• Title/Summary/Keyword: 의례의 시대구분

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A Study on the Changes in Funeral Rituals Since the Modern Period (근대 이후 상례(喪禮)의 변화에 대한 연구)

  • Chul-Young Lee
    • Industry Promotion Research
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    • v.9 no.2
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    • pp.163-174
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    • 2024
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

A Study on the Characteristics of the Children's Hanbok for the formal Ceremonies of Korea (아동용 한복의 특성에 관한 연구)

  • Ji, Yoon-Young;Lee, Hye-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.26 no.12
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    • pp.1727-1738
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    • 2002
  • 세계화, 국제화, 개방화 시대에 살고 있는 우리가 통과의례나 전통 명절과 같은 특별한 행사에 의례복으로 한복을 애용하는 것은 한복이 한국의 문화적 이미지를 강하게 간직하고 있는 한국적 조형물 중의 하나이기 때문이다. 더우기 의례복은 특별한 행사 자체를 위해 착용되었던 만큼 당시대의 내 적 가치를 가장 현저하게 표출하고 있는 복식으로 인정 할 수 있기 때문이다. 본 연구의 목적은 시대 적으로 현대 전통 한복의 기본 형 식을 제공한 조선시대와 그 이후의 복식 중에서 특히 분명한 착용동기와 목적, 복식을 통해 나타내고자 하는 상징성 등을 함축하고 있는 아동용 의례복을 대상으로 복식의 형태, 색채, 문양, 소재 등의 조형 요소를 고찰하는 것이다. 또한 양식적 특성을 살펴보고, 그러한 조형적 특성을 형성시킨 당시대의 사상적 가치를 추론해 보는 것이다. 구체 적인 연구 방법은 먼저 관련된 문헌 고찰을 통한 이론적 배경을 토대로 하여 아동용 의례복의 범주를 설정하고 현재 보전중인 실물과 또는 사진, 풍속화에 나타난 복식 자료들을 수집하였다. 그리고 당시대의 사상적 배경에 대한 고찰을 병행하여 이들에 내재된 문화적 가치를 추출해 보았다. 연구 결과 양식적 특징으로는 남아의 두루마기나 전복 그리고 쓰개류 등에서 기능성을 고려한 변형적 양식이 나타나고 있었다. 색채 역시 음양 보색이나, 오행색을 바탕으로 한 기본색의 구성 이외 에도 소매나 섶에 응용된 색의 배열이나 맞깃 전복의 깃에 나타난 색의 조화는 다양한 색의 조형미를 표현하고 있었다. 특히 색동 등에 나타난 오행색의 배열, 안감과 겉감, 상의와 하의, 외의와 내의에 사용된 색의 조화는 미의식에 관한 문화적 가치를 추론해 볼 수 있다. 더우기 장식 표현에 주로 쓰인 자연물 문양이나 글자 문양은 당시의 지배 사상이 지향하는 덕목 이외에도 전통적으로 내재된 수명과 복록, 부귀와 영화에 대한 내적 가치들을 반영하는 조형적 상징들이라 할 수 있다. 소재는 비교적 계절을 고려하여 사용되고 있었지만 의례적 성격을 지닌 외의나 쓰개류의 경우 계절적 구분을 고려하지 않은 경우도 많이 나타나고 있었다. 장신구의 경우는 많이 사용되는 것은 아니나 역시 상징적 인 가치를 표현하는 실물들을 미적으로 재구성한 사례들이 나타나고 있었다. 이상의 연구를 통해 아동용 전통 의례복은 형태, 색채, 문양, 소재, 장신구 등에서 양식의 다양성과 변형들을 알 수 있었다. 또한 적극적인 내적 가치의 상징들을 복식을 통해 표현하고 있었음을 알 수 있었다. 현대 복식의 디자인에 있어 아동용 의례복에 나타난 창조적인 양식의 변형과 다양성 그리고 복식을 통한 내적 가치의 반영 등이 현대 사회와 조화를 이룬 실질적인 복식 디자인 제시 및 창작에 작은 영감으로 작용하길 바란다.

An Evolutionary Concept Analysis of Taeoom among Nurses (진화론적 방법을 이용한 간호사의 태움 개념분석)

  • Jung, Heeja
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.5 no.4
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    • pp.157-169
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    • 2019
  • The purpose of the present study was to prepare baseline data for developing nursing theory and knowledge by analyzing the concept of taeoom among the nurses and by investigating the differences from the similar concept of workplace bullying. This study carried out an analysis after perusing 15 articles selected from 125 research articles retrieved according to the evolutionary method of Rodgers. The attributes of taeoom found in the present study were passage rites, painful human relationships, verbal attacks, and working relationships. There is a clear difference in concept between taeoom and workplace bullying, therefore the two concepts should be used discriminatively in nursing research. In addition, by the dynamic changes of the properties of taeoom according to the times and social circumstances, the concept of taeoom is gradually expanding and changing negatively.

The Structural Analysis and Criticism of Geommu (Korean Sword Dance) - Focusing in Literary Works and Music - (검무 구조 분석 시론 - 문헌과 음악을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Young-Hee
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.9-42
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    • 2017
  • Of all Geommu(劍舞, Korean sword dance), Gisaeng-Geommu danced by gisaeng(妓生, Korean female entertainers) for private guests and at the royal court. The Sword dance in the late Joseon Dynasty used to be dynamic exuding menacing "sword spirit(劍氣)." Sword dance being transmitted today is more ritualistic and elegant. This study considers Korean sword dance has a core structure and motifs transcending generational differences, and based on this critical thinking, aims to analyze the structure of Korean sword dance. This study analyzed the prose "Geommugi(劍舞記)" by Park Je-ga(朴齊家) and the poem "Mugeompyeonjeongmiin(舞劍篇贈美人)" by Jeong Yak-yong(丁若鏞) out of literary works from the late Joseon Dynasty, and from official records of rituals(笏記), "Geomgimu(Sword Dance, 劍器舞)" and "Geommu" in "Gyobanggayo(敎坊歌謠)." In the introduction part of Sword dance, a dancer appears, bows and performs a hand dance or hansam(汗衫) dance to and fro. In the development part, a dancer meets with a sword but first hesitates to hold it and dances holding swords in both hands. The climax shows expert sword skills and combat scenes. In the conclusion part, the court dance involves a dancer bidding a formal farewell, while the dance for entertainment, a dance throws away the sword to finish. From literature materials, the structure of Korean sword dance could be divided into an introduction, a development, a climax and a conclusion. Based on this, this study analyzed sword dance movements by linking the beats accompanying the current sword dance, in the order of a Yeombul, the traditional Korean ballad Taryeong or Neujeun Taryeong, Jajin Taryeong, Taryeong and Jajin Taryeong. The introduction part includes a Buddhist prayer and the beginning of Taryeong. Dancers appear, and in two rows they dance facing each other. On the slow beat, their dances are relaxed and elegant. The development part is matched with Jajin Taryeong. Dancers sit in front of swords and grab them, and they dance holding a pair of swords. The beat gradually becomes faster, progressing the development of the dance. But then, the slower Taryeong is placed again. The reason behind it is to create a tension for a little while, before effectively reaching a climax by speeding up the tempo again. Moving on to Jajin Taryeong, dancers' movements are bigger and more dynamic. The highly elated Jajin Taryeong shows dance movements at the climax on fast, robust beats. In the conclusion part, the beat is quick-tempo and on the upbeat again on Jajin Taryeong. Driving on without a stop on the exciting Yeonpungdae(燕風臺) melody, dancers standing in a line dance wielding the swords and bow before finishing.

A Study on the Types and Changes of the King's Amusement Activities through 『Annals of The Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)』 (『조선왕조실록(朝鮮王朝實錄)』을 통해 본 왕의 위락활동 유형과 변천)

  • Kang, Hyun-Min;Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyun-Wuk;Ma, Yi-Chu;Han, Rui-Ting
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.4
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    • pp.39-49
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    • 2018
  • "Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" is a book recording the Joseon Dynasty's historical facts in an annalistic format. The King's amusement activities through "Annals of The Joseon Dynasty" which were established by the Ye-ak(禮樂) system were analyzed. The results are as follows. The king's amusement activities that were performed during the Joseon Dynasty period could be classified as state banquets, military banquets, and banquets for play. The analysis of the king's amusement activity was divided into five stages. The characteristic of [1 period : King Taejo~Sejo(Yejong)] was dominated the military banquets of the Goryeo Dynasty. Neo-Confucianism is the establishment of political and social turning of the ballast, considerations of military culture, culture, and Hoeryeyeon Jinpungjeong, a cloud of dust and elders banquets such as Giroyeon and Yangnoyeon on the nature of the party. A lasting ordinance was institutionalized[2 period : King Seongjong~Jungjong]. In the chopper and jeongyujaeran, Hong Kyung Rae led a royal amusement activities are stagnant, often produce isolated storage compute in the gloomy situation[3 period : King Injong~Hyeonjong]. Revival period is pride of the amusement activity through the culture of Joseon Dynasty royal culture [4 period : King Sukjong~Jeongjo]. The throne, crashed due to political power is an ebb of royal amusement activities, while also rapidly waning[5 period : King Seonjo~Seonjong]. During the early Joseon Dynasty, hunting took place around the forest area northeast of Hanyang and during King Seongjong's period, it took place closer to the capital city, while in Lord Yeonsan's period, it was expanded to a 39 kilometer radius area from the palace, and banquets such as various forms of entertainment of Cheoyongmu, and Flower-viewing. The Joseon kings who enjoyed hunting were King Sejong, Sejo, Seongjong, Yeonsan, and Jungjong. Most of hunting objects were tigers, bears, deer and roe deer, leopards, boars, their animals and falconry took, and the purpose of the hunting was to perform ancestral rites to the royal ancestry or the royal tombs. Lord Yeonsan's hunting activities had negative effects after King Jungjong the king's hunting activity decreased sharply. However, there were also positive aspects of Lord Yeonsan's Prohibition of cutting woods ect. In conclusion, the expansion of the King's garden(庭:courtyard${\rightarrow}$園:privacy garden${\rightarrow}$苑:king's garden${\rightarrow}$苑?:national hunting park) is evident which starts from formal and informal activities that took place in Oejo, Chijo, and Yeonjo, which went further to the separate and secret gardens, and then even further, thus setting the amusement activity area as a 39 kilometer radius range from Hanyang.

Studies on the Spatial Organization and Interpretation of Prototype Landscape of Donggwanwangmyo Shrine in Seoul (서울 동관왕묘(東關王廟)의 공간구성 및 원형경관 해석)

  • Kim, Hyung-Suk;Jung, Woo-Jin;Sim, Woo-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.31 no.4
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    • pp.33-50
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study was to seek the spatial organization and prototype landscape through literature reviews, historical evidences, and field surveys for Donggwanwangmyo(東關王廟) shrine in Seoul. The results were as follows : First, the basic layout of the main buildings in Donggwanwangmyo which is the remains influenced by China had bilateral symmetry on the central axis between the north and south. Second, the Chinese forms and features were found at Jeong-jeon and middle gate in Donggwanwangmyo, and the symbolic elements of royal authority was also found in each space of Donggwanwangmyo. Third, spatial organization was classified as the entrance and the ritual area, and the entrance area was maintained by administrators and was used as the place of ritual ceremony preparation. Fourth, the original form of Donggwanwangmyo had been damaged due to the project for making urban park in the 1970s. The most of the existing trees and shrubs which are not suitable to the shrine should be removed to recover the original landscape of Donggwanwangmyo and chui-byoung(翠屛), pond, landscape facilities also needed to be restored. Fifth, Donggwanwangmyo needed to reorganize the pious atmosphere to recover of the shrine environment, and needed to be reclassified as historical site. Finally, some criticizes that Donggwanwangmyo is the result of Toadyism, but Donggwanwangmyo can be used as the valuable tourism resource through the awareness that Donggwanwangmyo was built under the situation of Joseon Dynasty, and organization and understanding that Donggwanwangmyo is a symbolic remains for the exchange between Korea and China.

Investigation on the Correlation of Cremation and Buddism in United Shilla-Era Focusing on Religious Acts of Building Temples and Stupas (통일신라시대의 화장과 불교와의 상호관련성에 대한 고찰 조사(造寺)·조탑(造塔)신앙과의 관련성을 중심으로)

  • Cha, Soon Chul
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.1
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    • pp.57-78
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    • 2008
  • According to the previous studies about Shilla's cremate grave, in the process of importing the cremate grave, there has been correlation with Chinese Buddhism, and there have been a lot of mentions about the change of the grave, Yinwha(Stamp) patterns and its existence, and about the characteristics of the vessels to contain the bones. The cremate grave is categorized into two-parts type and mono-type, depending on the dead person. The cremate graves that are in local areas such as Wang-Gyeong, show difference in types. The typical vessel to contain the bones, called "Yeongyeol Gori Yoogaeho" is again proved to have existed from A.D 8c. ~ A.D 9c., judging from the Yinwha pattern stamp's existence. Yet, the Yeongyeol Gori Yoogaeho from 9th century used the patternless pottery, also seen from the Won-wha 10 yeon-myeong cremate grave. Due to the prosperity of Buddhism, when the "Mukuchonggwang Taranikyong(Sutra)", translated into Han language in 704 at Dang, was imported into Shilla, the funeral ceremonies of Shilla people changed from making cremate graves with vessels or scattering the bones in oceans, into building stupas in temples with hopes and wishes to bring oneself and family's fortune and the next life of the dead. As a result, the meaning of "Grave" disappeared for the cremate graves, and rather the ceremony changed into scattering bones and wishing fortunes for the dead person. In other words, the ancestor-worship ceremony which was focused on the tomb changed into commemorating the ancestors and wishing individual fortunes by the religious assembly in temples and the building process of stupas. In conclusion, this social change was the cause of the extinction of stone chamber with tunnel entrance and the tombs such as cremate grave.

A Study of sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums in early Joseon Dynasty (조선초기 왕릉제사의 정비와 운영)

  • Han, Hyung-Ju
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.33
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    • pp.115-143
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    • 2010
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze contents and process of rites about sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums in early Joseon Dynasty, and to conclude, to review the position of Royal Mausoleums in the whole National Rites System. The sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums started from building Royal Mausoleums of 8 persons-ancestors since King T'aejo's great-great-grandparents, in 1392, founding Joseon Dynasty. In 1408, King T'aejo had died and his Kŏnwŏnnŭng (健元陵) was builted in Yangju, Gyeonggi-do. Since then, after kings of many generations died, each of Royal Mausoleums was builted solemnlly. In the process of this, sacrificial rituals modified and supplemented, especially during the reign of king Sejong(1418~1450). After all, the sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums was settled in KukchoOryeūi(國朝五禮儀, Five State Rites) compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong. In process of Institutionalization of sacrificial rituals, the argument between king and vassals about four-seasons' ancestral rites was properly or not was occurred. That was because the memorial times of Royal Mausoleums overlaped Chongmyo's and more important Chongmyo's ancestral rites was neglected. But four-seasons' ancestral rites of Royal Mausoleums was continued until 17th century. Sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums as royal personal rites had simple processes compared to sacrificial rites of Chongmyo, upper-graded formal ancestral rites, under National Rites system. Justifying to served his parents with devotion, the kings in early Joseon Dynasty went to Royal Mausoleums 2-3 times annually. During coming and going, he show off his presence as king in power to his subjects through magnificent guard of honor. On the one hand, he met his subjects directly and acceded to various petition. Above all things, The kings in early Joseon Dynasty emphasized his military power through military training, namely, hunting, disposition of troops, and so on.

A Study on the Excavated Sab(a funeral fan) from Lime-filled Tomb and Lime-layered Tomb during the Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 회격·회곽묘 출토 삽(翣)에 대한 고찰)

  • Yi, Seung Hae;An, Bo Yeon
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.43-59
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    • 2008
  • Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.