• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.101-133
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• 2013

In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.99-148
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• 2022

This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.

• Korean Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.147-154
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• 1969

The larvae of the ark shell Anadare broughtoni(Schrenck) were grown at room temporature (approximately $20.4^{\circ}C$), and fed laboratory-cultured Cyclotella nana. The egg of the ark shell produced in the laboratory measured about $54.9\mu$ in diameter. The embryos gradually developed into larvae up to $110.8\mu$ shell length, $83.9\mu$ shell height and with shell breadth of $58.2\mu$ even in the absence of the algal food. Beyond this sire, however, the growth of the larvae was considerably retarded. The larvae showed better growth rate when they were fed the algal food two days after spawning, i. e., early straight-hinge stage. Daily rate of food consumption varies according to the larval sizes. But the rate increases considerably when the larvae begin to form umbos. In general the rate Is indicated by the following formula: $Y=0.0025161\;X^{2.76459}$. The growth experiments of the larvae indicate that the efficiency of food conversion was higher when fed centrifuged food. Regarding to the difference in the slopes of growth curve, centrifuged food showed better growth rate as compared to those grown with the non-centrifuged food. The smaller the larval size, the greater will be the difference in growth. The larvae began settling when they reathed 261.7 to $289.6\;{\mu}$ in shell length, 199.2 to $221.7\mu$ in shell height and 147.6 to $170.8\mu$ in shell breadth. The time which elapsed from spawning to the larval settlement was about 28 days. The mean growth of the larvae is indicated with regression line and exponential curve equations as follows. Regression line shell length. 94.3 to $133.9\mu$ : Y==85.22857+3.35000X 141.6 to $269.3\mu$: Y=10.83036X-36.05357 296.8 to $373.2\mu$ : Y=19.10000X-279.30000 shell height: 72.7 to $89.7\mu$ : Y=67.11429+2.15714X 108.4 to $206.4\mu$ : Y=8.31607X-27.45357 228.6 to $282.1\mu$: Y=173.46700+13.37500X shell breadth: 45.3 to $77.8\mu$ : Y=38.08510X+2.73570X 87.4 to $157.7\mu$: Y=5.77320X-5.99640 175.4 to $214.0\mu$: Y=19.65000X-114.13300 Exponential curve shell length. 94.3 to $373.2\mu$: Y=72.45 $e^{0.04697x}$ shell height: 72.7 to $282.1\mu$: Y=54,96 $e^{0.04720x}$ shell breadth: 45.3 to $214.0\mu$ : Y=39.82 $e^{0.04927x}$ The relationships between the shell length and shell height and between the shell length and shell breadth are indicated as follows- shell height: 72.7 to $98.7\mu$ : Y=12.87780+0.63817X 108.4 to $206.4\mu$ : Y=0.90220+0.76456X 228.6 to $282.1\mu$ : Y=25.02630+0.69156X shell breadth: 45.3 to $77.8\mu$:Y=0.81373Xx-31.18914 87.4 to $157.7\mu$ : Y=13.37549+0.53230X 175.4 to $214.0\mu$: Y=30.24328+0.49545X