• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.175-214
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• 2021

In the Joseon Dynasty, Confucian literati sacralized their daily lives through ritual practices across the three dimensions of time, place, and humanity. 1) In the dimension of time, they cultivated in their personal lives by accepting and thoroughly practicing the ethical principles of the Elementary Learning (『小學』). These practices of self-cultivation developed into ritualized practices of daily routine from the perspective of neo-Confucianism. 2) In the spatial dimension, local public schools (鄕校), local private academies (書院), and village private schools (書塾) were constructed as the symbolic places for disseminating Confucian norms through intensive seminar activities and collective learning sessions (講會). These places were also used for the pious recitations of selected Confucian proverbs that had been ritualized by Confucian literati. 3) In the dimension of humanity, pious consciousness, reinforced by the ritualized practice of periodic sacrifices or intensive reading, was subconsciously deepened and projected onto dreams individuals reported of their deceased fathers or teachers. According to the Confucian ritualization process, people were seen as being able to sanctify their daily lives by thoroughly internalizing and effectively realizing Confucian values.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.229-234
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• 1996

본 연구에서는 영남지방에 소재 하는 몇몇 사찰을 대상으로 불교식 제사에 차려지는 제물을 연구.고찰하였으며, 이들을 가정에서 행하여지고 있는 유교식 제사와 비교 검토하였다. 불교식 제사의 제물은 강한 시대성을 볼 수 있어 흥미로웠다. 동물성 식품재료를 배제한 유교식 제사의 제물이 그대로 이용되고 없었으며, 더불어 사탕, 과자, 초콜릿, 카스테라, 젤리 등과 밖의 마시는 음료 즉 사이다. 콜라 등이 진설되어 있었다. 그러나, 전통 있는 사찰에서는 불단에 육법공양으로, 향 .등 .다ㆍ 화 .과 . 미(메와 떡) 등이 공양되었고, 영단에만 다섯 가지 나물과 세 가지 전, 메와 갱, 과일, 조과 등과 함께 위의 현대적 과자, 젤리, 사탕 등이 있었으나, 도시에 소재 한 사찰에서는 불단과 영단의 구별 없이 다섯 가지 나물, 다섯 가지 전, 떡(시루떡과 송편), 과일, 여러 가지 과자류와 카스테라 및 음료 등이 똑같이 진설되어 있음이 특징적이었다. 술은 정화수로 대신되고 있었다. 유교가 불교로부터 받은 영향은 향과 다의 이용을 들 수 있겠고 드물기는 하나 기일에 최대의 경건함을 나타내기 위하여 육식을 하지 않는 가정도 있어 이것은 유교에 미친 불교의 금육주의의 영향이라고 하겠다. 또한 불교가 유교로부터 받은 영향은 관음시식의 영단이라고 하겠다. 영단앞에는 사진이나 지방을 붙이고 있었으며, 유교식 제사의례인 지방을 불사르는 분축의 과정도 포함되어 있었다. 이와 같이 유교와 불교는 긴 세월을 지나오면서 서로 영향을 주고받으면서 오늘의 유교식 제사와 불교식 제사음식이 형성된 것으로 보인다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.319-348
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• 2014

This paper examines the centered on the Ritualized of Royal archery as a national event led to the demonstration of military rites was settled during the early Chosun Dynasty. And aims at considering of traditional of archery a Royal family and high position military people's. It was maintained as an system for both stability of royal family and centralization of government authority. As we know, since ancient times, the performance number of shooting arrows had been reduced in the early Chosun Dynasty. And one more reason is, traditionally Royal family liked shooting archery. For example, King Taejong was very openly shooting archery to inside palace and outside field. He says the archery is a principal element of military persons. Anyhow, to the King Jungjong, many Kings played shooting archery. However, at that time, the Royal archery came from ancient Korea and Kingdom of Koryo. In this historical background, Military rites will be established not just from ancient China. It specially called five manner of rituals. However, the rule of Confucianism to be Government police, archery ritual was declined. It's involved Curriculum of education. And this is related to the who got the new group of government authority. They are young confucianist. From there, the Confucianism manners, were to change of traditional of archery in Early Chosun Dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.329-354
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• 2016

Hyupryulrang was the position that announced the start and end of music in royal ceremonies. It appeared when the royal etiquette was categorized and implemented due to the five etiquette system, which was formed by the influence of Confucianism. Confucianism valued etiquette and music and this aspect was reflected in royal five etiquette, making music involved in royal ceremonies. So there was a need to have a mediator who will announce the insertion of music according to the process of royal ceremonies. For harmonious realization of royal ceremonies and music, hyupryulrang was indispensible. In Korea hyupryulrang appeared in Goryo era and lasted until Joseon era. Hyupryulrang during Joseon was handled by bongsanshi and once was taken by jeonak( 典樂) temporarily but finally was managed by officials in jang-akwon(掌樂院). Among the officials in jang-akwon, jang-akwon jeong(正) mainly served the role but jang-akwon chumjeong(僉正) and jang-akwon juboo(主簿) were sometimes recruited for the role according to circumstances. What was common among jang-akwon jeong, chumjeong, and juboo was that they were all danghakwan(堂下官). Danghakwan was an official who had the fundamental limitation of not being able to participate in policy making so was in a lower position compared to dangsangkwan. Meanwhile, according to circumstances of ceremonial process or the characteristics of ceremonies, gyeraseonjeonkwan(啓螺宣傳官), mushingyungseonjeonkwan(武臣兼宣傳官), and yeojipsa(女執事) were recruited as hyupryulrang instead of officials of jang-akwon, so that there would be no problems in ceremonies and performance of music. The activities of hyupryulrang can be summarized as setting up or laying down hui in most ceremonies that involved band. At night, however, as hui(麾) was invisible, jochok(照燭) or sometimes geumgogi(金鼓旗) was used. As for the term that referred to hyupryulrang, in case of royal banquet, the names of the ceremonial tools were borrowed such as geohuichabi(擧麾差備) and jochokchabi(照燭差備). The location of hyupryulrang was in the west on top of seogye(西階) facing toward the east, which was a position where hyupryulrang could watch the ceremonial process easily and be close to the band. That is, it was a position where one can see the space of ceremony and the space of music at the same time. Also, hyupryulrang was involved in musical parts related to ceremonies such as rehearsals, arrangement of the band, controlling the speed of music, and prevention of missing any musical pieces, and was in charge of such tasks. Hyupryulrang, who had to take charge of music in accordance with ceremonial procedure, was a mediator between royal ceremonies and music.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.60-81
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• 2010

Jeju Island, in Korea, shows many characteristics that are differentiated from the rest of Korea. Its culture is rooted in mythology which advocates a egalitarian, rather than hierarchical, social structure, the place of women in the home is relatively high, and the formation of buildings, the separation of cooking and heating facilities, and the living format of residential homes is dissimilar. These disparities in culture indicate that Jeju Island's heritage was not formed only from influences from the North, but also from other places as well. To fill in the blanks, residential homes in Jeju Island were compared with those scattered throughout the East China Sea, which connect the southern coastline of the Korean peninsula and Jeju Island. The regions encompassed by the East China Sea, sharing the Kuroshio current and a seasonal wind, can be considered as one cultural region integrating cultural aspects from the continental North and the oceanbound South. The unique characteristics of southern culture as seen in southern residences was examined through an investigation of the sacred places in which gods were considered to dwell. First, the myths of these areas usually concerned with the ocean, and a sterile environment made sustenance impossible without a dual livelihood, usually taking on the forms of half-farming and half-fishing, or half-farming, half-gardening. Although family compositions were strongly matricentric or collateral thanks to southern influence, a patriarchical system like those found in the North were present in the upper classes and in the cities. Therefore, residential spaces were not divided based on age or gender, as in hierarchical societies, but according to family and function. Second, these areas had local belief systems based on animism and ancestor worship, and household deities were closely related to women, agriculture and fire. The deities of the kitchen, the granary and the toilet were mostly female, and the role of priest was often filled by a woman. After Buddhism and Confucianism were introduced from mainland Korea, China and Japan, the sacred areas of the household took on a dual form, integrating the female-focused local rites with male-centered Buddhist and Confucian rites. Third, in accordance with worship of a kitchen deity, a granary deity, and a toilet deity led to these areas of the home being separated into disparate buildings. Eventually, these areas became absorbed into the home as architectural technology was further developed and lifestyles were changed. There was also integration of northern and southern cultures, with rites concerning granary and toilet deities coming from China, and the personality of the kitchen deity being related to the southern sea. In addition, the use of stone in separate kitchens, granaries, and toilets is a distinguishing characteristic of the East China Sea. This research is a part of the results gained from a project funded by the Korea Research Foundation in 2006.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.193-224
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• 2019

Shaman's play is significant in that it provided public theater for a long time in the theatrical and dramatic history. Unlike upper class who could call entertainer or Korean geisha in the traditional society, the majority of ordinary people could see professional performances through gut. Therefore, the shaman of the traditional society pulled the play which developed in the gut and the outside play into the gut and prepared the performance street for the ordinary people. shaman's play, apart from the religious context, has also functioned as a theatrical performance. Through shaman's play, you can see the process of ritual development into play. Shaman's play is a ritual ritual of expel calamity in an agriculture based society. In Korean consciousness, evil spirits are thought to bring disease or disaster to humans, so they should be good for evil spirits. This is a ritual that goes hand in hand with the Confucian Yeoje and the Buddhist Suryukjae. Most traditional plays, including masque performance, tend to weaken and become stifling after the designation of intangible cultural properties. However, shaman's play is transformed every time it is executed and is given a new meaning. Depending on the ability of the shaman to respond to and accommodate social change, adaptability is excellent depending on the situation in the field. Shaman's play has richness, prevent calamity and playful elements such as imitation of god and sexual connection based on the element of shamanism. In addition, it is necessary to pay attention to the meaning and the direction of Shaman's play because it is differentiated into play including social subject beyond mere magic imitation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.