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Kim Eung-hwan's Official Excursion for Drawing Scenic Spots in 1788 and his Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains (1788년 김응환의 봉명사경과 《해악전도첩(海嶽全圖帖)》)

  • Oh, Dayun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.54-88
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    • 2019
  • The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.

Territorial Expansion the King Võ (Võ Vương, 1738-1765) in the Mekong Delta: Variation of Tám Thực Chi Kế (strategy of silkworm nibbling) and Dĩ Man Công Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians) in the Way to Build a New World Order (무왕(武王, 1738-1765) 시기 메콩 델타에서의 영토 확장 추이: 제국으로 가는 길, '잠식지계(蠶食之計)'와 '이만공만(以蠻攻蠻)'의 변주)

  • CHOI, Byung Wook
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.37-76
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    • 2017
  • $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

A Study of the Time-Space and Appreciation for the Performance Culture of Gwanseo Region in Late Joseon Period: Focusing on Analysis of Terminology (조선후기 관서지방의 공연 시공간과 향유에 관한 연구)

  • Song, Hye-jin
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.22
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    • pp.287-325
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    • 2011
  • This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

The State Hermitage Museum·Northwest University for Nationalities·Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 2018 (아라사국립애이미탑십박물관(俄羅斯國立艾爾米塔什博物館)·서북민족대학(西北民族大學)·상해고적출판사(上海古籍出版社) 편(編) 『아장구자예술품(俄藏龜玆藝術品)』, 상해고적출판사(上海古籍出版社), 2018 (『러시아 소장 쿠차 예술품』))

  • Min, Byung-Hoon
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.98
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    • pp.226-241
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    • 2020
  • Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.

Microbiological and Enzymological Studies on Takju Brewing (탁주(濁酒) 양조(釀造)에 관(關)한 미생물학적(微生物學的) 및 효소학적(酵素學的) 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Chan-Jo
    • Applied Biological Chemistry
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    • v.10
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    • pp.69-100
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    • 1968
  • 1. In order to investigate on the microflora and enzyme activity of mold wheat 'Nuruk' , the major source of microorganisms for the brewing of Takju (a Korean Sake), two samples of Nuruk, one prepared at the College of Agriculture, Chung Nam University (S) and the other perchased at a market (T), were taken for the study. The molds, aerobic bacteria, lactic acid bacteria, and yeasts were examined and counted. The yeasts were classified by the treatment with TTC (2, 3, 5 triphenyltetrazolium chloride) agar that yields a varied shade of color. The amylase and protease activities of Nuruk were measured. The results were as the followings. a) In the Nuruk S found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $204{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $163{\times}10^5$; Rhizogus, $20{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $134{\times}10^5$; Areobic bacteria, $9{\times}10^6-2{\times}10^7$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ In the Nuruk T found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $836{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $286{\times}10^5$; Rhizopus, $623{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $264{\times}10^5$; Aerobic bacteria, $5{\times}10^6-9{\times}10^6$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ b) Eighty to ninety percent of the aerobic bacteria in Nuruk S appeared to belong to Bacillus subtilis while about 70% of those in Nuruk T seemed to be spherical bacteria. In both Nuruks about 80% of lactic acid bacteria were observed as spherical ones. c) The population of yeasts in 1g. of Nuruk S was about $6{\times}10^5$, 56.5% of which were TTC pink yeasts, 16% of which were TTC red pink yeasts, 8% of which were TTC red yeasts, 19.5% of which were TTC white yeasts. In Nuruk T(1g) the number of yeasts accounted for $14{\times}10^4$ and constituted of 42% TTC pink. 21% TTC red pink 28% TTC red and 9% TTC white. d) The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk S was: Liquefying type Amylase, $D^{40}/_{30},=256$ W.V. Saccharifying type Amylase, 43.32 A.U. Acid protease, 181 C.F.U. Alkaline protease, 240C.F.U. The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk T was: Liquefying type Amylase $D^{40}/_{30},=32$ W.V. Saccharifying type amylase $^{30}34.92$ A.U. Acid protease, 138 C.F.U. Alkaline protease 31 C.F.U. 2. During the fermentation of 'Takju' employing the Nuruks S and T the microflora and enzyme activity throughout the brewing were observed in 12 hour intervals. TTC pink and red yeasts considered to be the major yeasts were isolated and cultured. The strains ($1{\times}10^6/ml$) were added to the mashes S and T in which pH was adjusted to 4.2 and the change of microflora was examined during the fermentation. The results were: a) The molds disappeared from each sample plot since 2 to 3 days after mashing while the population of aerobic bacteria was found to be $10{\times}10^7-35{\times}10^7/ml$ inS plots and $8.2{\times}10^7-12{\times}10^7$ in plots. Among them the coccus propagated substantially until some 30 hours elasped in the S and T plots treated with lactic acid but decreased abruptly thereafter. In the plots of SP. SR. TP. and TR the coccus had not appeared from the beginning while the bacillus showed up and down changes in number and diminished by 1/5-1/10 the original at the end stage. b) The lactic acid bacteria observed in the S plot were about $7.4{\times}10^7$ in number per ml of the mash in 24 hours and increased up to around $2{\times}10^8$ until 3-4 days since. After this period the population decreased rapidly and reached about $4{\times}10^5$ at the end, In the plot T the lactic acid becteria found were about $3{\times}10^8$ at the period of 24 fours, about $3{\times}10$ in 3 days and about $2{\times}10^5$ at the end in number. In the plots SP. SR. TP, and TR the lactic acid bacteria observed were as less as $4{\times}10^5$ at the stage of 24 hours and after this period the organisms either remained unchanged in population or ceased to exist. c) The maiority of lactic acid bacteria found in each mash were spherical and the change in number displayed a tendency in accordance with the amount of lactic acid and alcohol produced in the mash. d) The yeasts had showed a marked propagation since the period of 24 hours when the number was about $2{\times}10^8$ ㎖ mash in the plot S. $4{\times}10^8$ in 48 hours and $5-7{\times}10^8$ in the end period were observed. In the plot T the number was $4{\times}10^8$ in 24 hours and thereafter changed up and down maintaining $2-5{\times}10^8$ in the range. e) Over 90% of the yeasts found in the mashes of S and T plots were TTC pink type while both TTC red pink and TTC red types held range of $2{\times}10-3{\times}10^7$ throughout the entire fermentation. f) The population of TTC pink yeasts in the plot SP was as $5{\times}10^8$ much as that is, twice of that of S plot at the period of 24 hours. The predominance in number continued until the middle and later stages but the order of number became about the same at the end. g) Total number of the yeasts observed in the plot SR showed little difference from that of the plot SP. The TTC red yeasts added appeared considerably in the early stage but days after the change in number was about the same as that of the plot S. In the plot TR the population of TTC red yeasts was predominant over the T plot in the early stage which there was no difference between two plots there after. For this reason even in the plot w hers TTC red yeasts were added TTC pink yeasts were predominant. TTC red yeasts observed in the present experiment showed continuing growth until the later stage but the rate was low. h) In the plot TP TTC pink yeasts were found to be about $5{\times}10^8$ in number at the period of 2 days and inclined to decrease thereafter. Compared with the plot T the number of TTC pink yeasts in the plot TP was predominant until the middle stage but became at the later stage. i) The productivity of alcohol in the mash was measured. The plot where TTC pink yeasts were added showed somewhat better yield in the earely stage but at and after the middle stage the difference between the yeast-added and the intact mashes was not recognizable. And the production of alcohol was not proportional to the total number of yeasts present. j) Activity of the liquefying amylase was the highest until 12 hours after mashing, somewhat lowered once after that, and again increased around 36-48 hours after mashing. Then the activity had decreased continuously. Activity of saccharifying amylase also decreased at the period of 24 hours and then increased until 48 hours when it reached the maximum. Since, the activity had gradually decreased until 72 hours and rapidly so did thereafter. k) Activity of alkaline protease during the fermentation of mash showed a tendency to decrease continusously although somewhat irregular. Activity of acid protease increased until hours at the maximum, then decreased rapidly, and again increased, the vigor of acid protease showed better shape than that of alkaline protease throughout. 3. TTC pink yeasts that were predominant in number, two strains of TTC red pink yeasts that appeared throughout the brewing, and TTC red yeasts were identified and the physiological characters examined. The results were as described below. a) TTC pinkyeasts (B-50P) and two strains of TTC red pink yeasts (B-54 RP & B-60 RP) w ere identified as the type of Saccharomyces cerevisiae and TTC pink red yeasts CB-53 R) were as the type of Hansenula subpelliculosa. b) The fermentability of four strains above mentioned were measured as follows. Two strains of TTC red pink yeasts were the highest, TTC pink yeasts were the lowest in the fermantability. The former three strains were active in the early stage of fermentation and found to be suitable for manufacturing 'Takju' TTC red yeasts were found to play an important role in Takju brewing due to its strong ability to produce esters although its fermentability was low. c) The tolerance against nitrous acid of strains of yeast was marked. That against lactic acid was only 3% in Koji extract, and TTC red yeasts showed somewhat stronger resistance. The tolerance against alcohol of TTC pink and red pink yeasts in the Hayduck solution was 7% while that in the malt extract was 13%. However, that of TTC red yeasts was much weaker than others. Liguefying activity of gelatin by those four strains of yeast was not recognized even in 40 days. 4. Fermentability during Takju brewing was shown in the first two days as much as 70-80% of total fermentation and around 90% of fermentation proceeded in 3-4 days. The main fermentation appeared to be completed during :his period. Productivity of alcohol during Takju brewing was found to be apporximately 65% of the total amount of starch put in mashing. 5. The reason that Saccharomyces coreanuss found be Saito in the mash of Takju was not detected in the present experiment is considered due to the facts that Aspergillus oryzae has been inoculated in the mold wheat (Nuruk) since around 1930 and also that Koji has been used in Takju brewing, consequently causing they complete change in microflora in the Takju brewing. This consideration will be supported by the fact that the original flavor and taste have now been remarkably changed.

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Studies on the Foliar Application of Urea as Nitrogen Source of Rice Plant Nutrition (요소엽면살포(尿素葉面撒布)에 따른 수도(水稻)의 질소영양(窒素營養)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Cho, Seoung-Jin
    • Applied Biological Chemistry
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    • v.9
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    • pp.125-147
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    • 1968
  • This experiment was carried out as a part of the studies on reasonable application of nitrogen in rice plant to determine: (I) Nitrogen absorption. and rooting of rice seedlings as affected by urea foliar application at late seedling stage (II) Effect of leaf prunning and foliar application of urea at late heading stage on the maturation and yield of rice (III) Effect of foliar application of urea and its time during the stage of ear formation on yield of rice plant. Results obtained are summarized as follows. Exp.I: Nitrogen absorption and rooting of rice seedlings as affected be urea foliar application at late seedling stage. 1 : The foliar application of urea plots$(T_{1},T_2)$ snowed mare N-content than non-urea foliar application plot(T0) at lane seedling stage, being significant among treatments and foliar application of urea seemed more effective in increasing the N-content of seedlings. and promoted root settlement and early growth alter the transplanting. 2 : The carbon contents of the plants of $T_1$, and $T_2$ at late seedling stage increased than T0, and the carbon contents. of $T_1$ and $T_2$ plots became higher in amount in proportion to the nitrogen absorption as compared with those of $T_0$. 3 : C/N ratio appeared significant among soil application plots($N_1, \;N_2$) and foliar application of urea plots ($T_1$, $T_2$ and $T_0$). C/N ratio was lower in case of increased amount of nitrogen. The higher contents of nitrogen and carbon and lower C/N ratio resulted in the increment of root numbers and root lengths. Exp.II: Effect of leaf prunning and foliar application of urea at late heading stage on the maturation and yield of rice. 1 : There was a highly significant decrease in the maturing rate by severe leaf prunning. In the mean time, significant increase in maturing rate was observed with urea foliar application and it was found the more frequent application the more effective for higher maturing rate with a moderate significance. A correlationship between the level of prunning and maturing rate was enumerated to 0.961 of correlation coefficient, which indicated an increased maturing rate by the increased number of remaining leaves. 2 : The 1.000 grain weight, grain weight and hulled rice yield increased by leaf prunning in order (plot a$A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 89.8%, 89.4%, 87.8% and 87.5% respectively, showing the highest of rate in $A_1$ and $A_3$ in methods of ear fertilization and being highly significant between its treatment. 3 : 1000 grain weights were highly significant between time of application, showing a tendency of increase of weights with the time lagging until days before earings as that of maturing rates. High significance was recognized between methods of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $A_2$ 23.18 gr. 4 : Yields per $3.3m^2$ were not significant between time of ear fertilization, whereas were highly significant between methods of ear fertilization. Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 1.486 kg, 1.491 kg, 1.381 kg and 1.328 kg, respectively, showing the highest in $A_1$ and $A_3$. 5 : Hulling ratios showed significant different between time of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $T_2$, whereas those of methods of ear fertilization were highly significant between its treatment, Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 84.72%, 84.06%, 83.29%, and 82.56% respectively, showing the highest m $A_2$ and $A_3$ among others. 6 : Yields of hulled rice per $3.3m^2$ showed significant different between time of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $T_1$ 1.192 kg. Whereas, those were highly significant between methods of ear fertilization. Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 1.259 kg, 1.254 kg, 1.149 kg and 1.095 kg, respectively, showing the highest in $A_1$ and $A_2$. 7 : Contents of nitrogen on rice plant increased in case of nitrogen application as ear fertilizer and showed that the case of urea foliar application was more effective than that of soil application, showing the increased nitrogen content of rice plant was accompanied by carbon content.

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