• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.179-207
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• 2023

Carbon neutrality, the international community's practical challenge in response to climate change, is becoming a key industrial strategy for the future development of nations. Despite concerns that China, as an economic powerhouse in the G2, may face challenges leading global climate change efforts due to its high-carbon-emitting industrial structure, it is leveraging carbon neutrality to enhance its industrial competitiveness. The Chinese government has formulated national policies for achieving carbon neutrality and detailed sector-specific plans to implement them. In particular, it aims to leverage carbon neutrality industrial strategies as a lever for adjusting the domestic industrial structure and fostering new industries, at the same time responding to international climate norms and external pressures. However, the effectiveness of carbon-neutral industrial strategies is expected to vary based on regional conditions such as economic and industrial levels. This article analyzes the regional conditions for implementing carbon neutrality in China, as well as the contents and characteristics of major industrial policies. Due to differing levels of economic development and industrial structures, significant variations in carbon emissions, size, emission sources, and efficiency are inevitable across regions. These disparities introduce diverse initial conditions and endogenous factors in pursuing carbon-neutral goals, limiting the direction and implementation of carbon-neutral industrial strategies favoring certain regions. In particular, the extent of policy autonomy granted to local governments regarding carbon neutrality implementation will influence the regional dynamics of central-local environmental governance. Consequently, it is crucial to emphasize regional monitoring alongside comprehensive national research to accurately navigate the path towards carbon neutrality in China. In summary, the article underscores the importance of understanding regional variations in economic development, industrial structure, and policy autonomy for successful carbon neutrality implementation in China. It highlights the need for regional monitoring and comprehensive national research to determine a more precise direction for achieving carbon neutrality.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.1-25
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• 2016

This study reviews international discussions about the trade-labor linkage and examines the labor chapters of FTAs enforced by the US and the EU from a comparative perspective. Since early 1990s, starting from the NAFTA, the US has included forceable labor provisions in its FTAs and this trend continues to the TPP which was concluded in October 2015. On the other hand, the EU's labor provisions in its FTAs have been composed of promotional elements on labor rights based on cooperations and dialogues. These different features of labor provisions in the US and European FTAs are mainly due to the motives of the FTAs of the US and the EU respectively as well as their domestic situations with regards to domestic law and institutional set-ups. The coordination of labor provisions involves a long-term institutional as well as regulatory convergence which triggers not only economic but also social changes, compared to a relatively short-term effect of tariff elimination. For Korea which has been a FTA partner country both with the US and the EU, it is significant to keep the different characteristics in the labor provisions in mind, particularly in the process of its implementation. Concerning the implementation of Korea-US FTA, it might be problematic if Korean law and its regulatory practice on labor-management relations do not comply with that of the US. The Korea-EU FTA case can also have an indirect impact on Korea's labor laws since it stipulates in its provisions that both parties should have discussions not only within each government but also with the civil communities including NGOs. Thus, Korea should pay more attention to the true meaning in labor provisions of both FTAs in order to promote its firms to be equipped with the right labor-management system in their operations abroad.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.269-289
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• 2010

In Summer 2008, a multidisciplinary survey was conducted onboard R/V Haeyang 2000 to understand plankton response to the three distinct physico-chemical settings that developed in the Ulleung Basin of the East Sea. Baseline settings of hydrographic conditions included the presence of the thin (<20 m) Tsushima Surface Water (TSW) on top of the Tsushima Middle Water (TMW). It extends from the Korea Strait to $37^{\circ}N$ along the $130^{\circ}E$ and then turns offshore and encompasses the relatively saline (T>$26^{\circ}C$, S>33.7) Ulleung Warm Eddy surface water centered at $36.5^{\circ}N$ and $131^{\circ}E$. A relatively colder and saline water mass appeared off the southeastern coast of Korea. It was accompanied by higher nutrient and chlorophyll-a concentrations, suggesting a coastal upwelling. Most of the offshore surface waters support low phytoplankton biomass (0.3 mg chl-a $m^{-3}$). A much denser phytoplankton biomass (1-2.3 mg $m^{-3}$) accumulated at the subsurface layer between 20-50 m depth. The subsurface chlorophyll-a maximum (SCM) layer was closely related to the nutricline, suggesting an active growth of phytoplankton at depth. The SCM developed at shallow depth (20-30 m) near the coast and deepened offshore (50-60 m). A fucoxanthin/zeaxanthin ratio was high in coastal waters while it was low in offshore waters, which indicated that diatoms dominate coastal waters while cyanobacteria dominate offshore waters. The community structure and biomass of phytoplanktonare closely related to nitrogen availability. Zooplankton biomass was higher in the coastal region than in the offshore region while species richness showed an opposite trend. Zooplankton community structure retained a coastal/offshore contrast. These suggest that summer hydrography is a stable structure, lasting long enough to allow a hydrography-specific plankton community to evolve.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.65-101
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• 2010

By considering the final purpose and meaning of two fairy-tales, we can summarize two things. Firstly, a woman with father complex not only positive, but also negative can easily sacrifice her femininity and her own personality as an individual. A woman with father complex has to get out of father imago. By separating from father imago, she can make her own steps to realize her own personality, namely individuation. During normal development, detachment to instinct and archetypal contents can cause problems normally to the ego consciousness. Contrary to this developmental notion, women with father complex experience problems because they are too closely attached to father archetype. Therefore, continuous excessive identification of ego with father imago or a state of ego caught by father imago leads to death of her own personality. Some women intentionally attach to father imago in order to be powerful or to receive magical power of father archetype to make compensation to her inferiority and deficiency. Weak ego wants to be stronger and superior by intentional attachment to father imago. Then, she can succeed in some tasks in life. But These successes are not by her own effort, but by magical or superhuman power of father imago. During early childhood, young girl with weak ego strongly attaches to father imago to make success and achieve goals by magical power. She wants to compensate her weak ego. But the more her ego makes successes in real life with help of father imago, the more she loses her own character or personality. Ego can be strong enough only when it is detached or separated itself from father imago. In other side, there is a woman destined to realize request by the father imago. She is chosen by the collective unconscious, though she try to run away from dominant power. In this case, ego of selected woman is not weak. She is destined to be a heroine. She knows that she has to complete every task given to her to realize what father imago wants, and she will not own any of her products at all. She is a real or true heroine. She wants to avoid her destiny, but she can't and should not do it. Secondly, a woman with father complex is called for again to save father imago or to solve problems of father imago. In this case, father imago of a woman should be considered to be related to the collective conscious. Therefore, it is said that all women with father complex are invited for healing the society or the collective consciousness. To complete this request, she has to heal herself by recovering her femininity. The healing power is based on the maternal receptive capacity. In modern society, the women are always demanded to be a social being. These social demands can make women caught by father complex. In this sense, number of women with father complex are increasing. Through the understanding of two fairy-tales, increased number of women with father complex should be easily considered as events at personal level, but seriously considered as a phenomenon reflecting problems in the collective consciousness of our age. In the other hand, all women with father complex are invited to solve the problem of modern society. She will be able to realize her own individuation without being possessed by father imago, to save our society and to become a heroine of our age.