• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.19
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• pp.153-192
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• 2009

Appearing newly on June 1894, Gaboh regime enforced modern reformation policy. In light of archives' management, it was totally different from before. Government established individual department of record management in every division and proclaimed a legislative bill which was stipulated about record management process. They modified archives' form including peculiar declaration of the name of an era and use together with Korean and Chinese. Also they tried to conserve the original copy of the archives. As King Gojong announced the Great Han Empire(Taehan Cheguk, 大韓帝國) on October 1897, he reinforced Gaboh regimes' weakened royal authority and enforced reformation policy which was designed for himself. First he abolished the administration which restricted royal authority, and established new department called Euijungbu(議政府). To restrain the royal power, he separated the Royal House and government and reinforced Gungnaebu(宮內府). In addition, King Gojong enforced the policy which he can manage directly about troops, policies, and finances. Consequently, He established Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), and made direct belonging of an emperor. Also, department called Naejangwon(內藏院) tried to levy many kinds of taxes directly to build up the financial foundation under the emperor. The record management system of Great Han Empire succeeded to that of Gaboh regimes Times'. First, government and powerful organization directly under the emperor set up the department of record management. Euijungbu (議政府) and governmental department, of course, Gungnaebu(宮內府), Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), Tongshinwon(通信院), Jikyeahmun(地契衙門) which support the right of an emperor established document division and record division individually. To carry out government's service effectively and systematically, it was considered effective to divide record management department. Moreover, despite the difference between the divisions, they were separated into current record division and non current record division. Generally, document department took charge of acceptance, sending and crafting of current document and archives department was eligible for preservation and compilation of major document and eternal conservation document. This seems to consider life cycle of the record and keep the evaluation of record in mind. Finally, perception for the record management has revealed to modern configuration.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.21
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• pp.35-52
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• 2009

The guard system in the last period of the Joseon Dynasty, established at the time of the struggle of invading world powers and the loss of the Dynasty rights, was strengthened to protect the Royal family and the Dynasty from the attacks of foreign powers. While investigating both the military system and the guard system from the beginning of King Gojong's direct royal governing to the time of Japanese annexation of Korea, we realize that the Joseon Dynasty not only lost the support of the public but also had little power to cope with the aggression of foreign countries. The reformation and strengthening by Daewongun, King Gojong's father, was made in preparation for King Gojong's direct royal rule. Nevertheless, the intervention of foreign countries in the domestic affairs of the Joseon Dynasty got worse. As opposed to their intervention, Queen Minbi had engaged in politics, which resulted in murderous attempts on her. The Joseon Dynasty had tried to reform and intensify the guard system. New names such as Muwiso, Chingunyeong, and Siwidai, had been given respectively. Such reformation and intensification had little effect because of two successive victories at the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War of Japan. Japan occupied the Joseon Dynasty by force after all. The guard system of Daehan-jeguk(the Empire of Korea) was eventually incapacitated; an army in the cause of justice was raised instead. However, The state of things and the guard system at that incapacitated period gives a good lesson for the establishment of a modern guard system at the present day.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.16
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• pp.229-241
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• 2008

he guarding system of the "Choson" era is completed by the Gyeongguk-daejeon(an administrative canon) at the kings "Sejong" and "Yejong", and it is supplemented at the King "Seongjong". "Geum-gun" is composed of "Naegeum-wi", "Gyeombok-sa", "Wirim-wi" and "Jeongro-wi" in the period before the Japanese Aggression of Korea in 1952, and in the period after the aggression war, the organization of the "Geum-gun" is changed repeatedly according to circumstances in the period after the aggression. They("Geum-gun") devote themselves to the protection of kings and the capital defense in the first period of the "Choson" era. The most important change of the "Geum-gun" is the practice of five military units system, three military units of them, "Hunryeon-dogam", "Eoyeong-cheong" and "Geumwi-yeong", take charge of the guard of kings and the capital defense, and "Chongyung-cheong" and "Sueo-cheong" take charge of the defense of the outer areas of the capital region with key positions located at "Namhan-sanseong" and "Bukhan-sanseong"(mountain fortress Walls). The function of the "Geum-gun" is extended through the aggressions, therefore the number of soldiers is increased greatly. The guarding system for the country and its royal family is frequently changed according to the improvement of the people's position with themselves-awakening and their understanding of realities. The reorganization of the "Geum-gun" including "Howi-cheong", "Geumgun-cheong", "Sukwi-so" and "Jangyong-yeong" is unavoidable to strengthen the royal rights that are weaken by deposing the king "Injo". The standing of the existing organizations is changed many times with financial problems. The enthronement of the king "Jeongjo" is a great epoch in the change of the guarding system.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.123-154
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• 2014

In the 17th and 18th centuries, when the Ryukyu kingdom had been invaded and controlled by Japan, some official texts about 'history' were documented. In that texts, there are some myths about the kings-Syunten(舜天), Eiso(英祖), Satto(察度), Syouhasi(尙巴志), Syouen(尙圓)-who founded dynasties of Ryukyu kingdom. This study attempts to delineate the features and meaning of those founder myths as a polotial discourse for kingship. The results of this study are as follows. 1. The founder myths are discourses to describe the genealogy of the Ryukyu kingdom as the result of Mandate of Heaven(T'ien Ming, 天命). 2. In ancient okinawa, the sun was a symbol of ruler. The king of Ryukyu kingdom was thought as 'son of the sun', 'Tedako(てだこ, 太陽子) in the time of Syou dynasty(尙王朝). But in the founder myths, the only one Tedako is Eiso. 3. In the myths, the 'historical' founders are described as the king for agriculture. They were said to make the farming instruments with iron and rule the spring water for farming. The iron and water for fariming was thought to represent the power of king and the kingship. 4. The writers of myths aimed to be separated from the mythical kingship of past Ryukyu(古琉球). So, they threw the idea of Tedako(=mythical kingship) into the prison of mythical ages by rewriting myth of King Eiso. Instead of it, they built up the new image of agriculture-king who rules and controlls the iron and water for good farming. The meaing of this change, from 'shiny sun' to 'cultural king', is that the abstract and general power of kingship was turned into a concrete and restricted power of kingship. On the bases of it, there was the confucian political ideas from China, T'ien Ming thought(天命論). Under the influence of not only China but also Japan, the writers of myths attempt to find a new way for their kingdom by reconstructing kingship with ruminating over the kingship of past. The myth of founders in the 17th and 18th Centuries shows the aspects of kingship of Ryukyu kingdom and tells us that those myths are the political discourses identifying kingship and Ryukyu kingdom.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

In the tribute system controlling international relations of pre-modern East Asia, conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities was a principle of diplomatic relations among each nation. Therefore, capitals where royal authorities really existed were political centers and diplomatic stages at the same time. Notably, diplomatic relations between United Silla and Japan were maintained dually by conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities and practical diplomacy through Dazaihu located in Tsukushi. Tsukushi located at the northwestern tip of Kyushu was a gateway to foreign nations and stronghold in terms of national defense. Amidst an East Asian war named Baek River Battle in 663, the royal court of Daehwa established Dazaihu here because it was necessary for diplomatic and military responses. Dazaihu established as part of diplomatic negotiation not only took diplomatic functions as an official residence since the latter half of the 7thcentury. and but also was used as a stage of official diplomacy between Silla and Japan. Diplomatic negotiation between Silla and Japan through Dazaihu was made in practical methods and such a situation could be confirmed through diplomatic documents exchanged between Silla and Dazaihu in the middle of the 8thcentury. At that time, protocols became an importan tissue.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.66
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• pp.37-56
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• 2005

이 연구는 강화경판 『高麗大藏經』에 入藏된 『合部金光明經』과 13세기 중엽에 간행된 것으로 추정되는 口訣本 『合部金光明經』의 조성에 참여한 刻成人에 대해 살펴본 것이다. 국가적·범종파적 사업으로 전개된 각성사업에 『합부금광명경』이 조성되고 있는데도 불구하고, 구결본 『합부금광명경』 조성에 참여한 이들은 각성사업과 어떤 관련성을 갖고 있는지 검토해 보았다. 이에 『고려대장경』에 입장된 『합부금광명경』과 구결본 『합부금광명경』을 상호 비교해 본 결과 경전의 내용과 板式, 그 구성 체계가 相異한 본이었다. 그리고 彫成에 참여한 각성인을 조사해 본 결과 『고려대장경』에는 ‘부령’이었고, 구결본은 ‘存植’, ‘立成’, ‘正安’, ‘孝兼’ 등이었다. ‘存植’, ‘正安’, ‘孝兼’은 고종 24년부터 16년간 전개된 각성사업에 참여한 각성인들과 동일 인물이었다. 특히 ‘孝兼’은 자신을 비구라고 밝힌 점으로 볼 때 당시 활동하던 刻字僧으로 파악된다. ‘存植’과 ‘正安’은 고종 33년에 간행된 『禪門三家拈頌集』과 13세기 중엽에 간행된 『圓覺類解』, 『弘贊法華傳』의 조성에도 참여하고 있는 것으로 보아 전문 刻手로 보여진다. 그래서 각성사업에 참여한 각성인들은 각자의 여건에 따라 활동하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 『合部金光明經』은 『妙法蓮華經』·『仁王經』과 함께 호국삼부경 중의 하나로서 고려시기에 수시로 간행되고 있었다. 『금광명경』은 국가를 보호하고 내우외환을 소멸시키기 위해 왕실을 비롯한 관료층들이 깊이 존신하고 권장하려 하였던 불교 경전이었다. 특히 대외관계상의 위기상황에는 『금광명경』을 바탕으로 하는 功德天道場이라는 호국적 성격의 법회를 개최되고 있었다. 따라서 『합부금광명경』의 간행 배경에는 『고려대장경』이 국왕을 정점으로 반외세력인 몽고군을 격퇴시키고, 또 최씨무인정권으로부터 왕권을 회복시키고자 시대적 분위기가 적극 반영되어 있다. 구결본 『합부금광명경』의 간행은 민족적·국가적 사업이었던 각성사업에 적극 동참하면서 현실을 직시하고 고려 불교의 창조적 발전은 물론 외세의 침략으로부터 조국을 지키고자 하는 호국의식을 바탕에 두고 있었다. 〔주제어〕『高麗大藏經』, 『合部金光明經』, 刻成人, 최씨무인정권, 護國經

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.19-28
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• 1991

내의원(內醫院)은 병원과 약국을 겸비한 일종의 궁중의료기관으로 의사를 비롯하여 여러의원들이 임금과 왕비 및 왕자들의 약을 조제하여 달이던 곳으로, 일명 내국(內局) 또는 약원(藥院)이라고 내의원 앞에 예시되어 있다. 그러나 내의원은 현재 그 내용이 전해지지 않고, 단지 관광지의 유물로만 여겨지고 있다. 현재의 내의원은 창덕궁(昌德宮)에 위치하고 있다. 내의원은 창덕궁의 돈화문(敦化門)을 지나, 인정전(仁政殿)을 거쳐 희정당(熙政當) 좌측에 있으며, 왕비의 거처인 대조전에 가장 가까이 자리잡고 있다. 내의원은 조선왕조 세종25년(1443)에 개원하게 되었으니, 이때는 정치, 문화적으로 안정이 이루어져 가는 상황이었다. 또한 당시 왕이나 왕비 기타 왕족들의 여러 가지 정신적인 갈등으로 인한 질병이 많았으며, 이로인해 전문적이고 독립적인 왕실의료기관의 필요성에 의해 내의원이 독립적인 개원이 이루어졌으리라 사료된다. 이로인하여 저자가 내의원에 관한 자료조사와 실제답사를 통하여 다음과 같은 사실을 알수 있었다. 1) 내의원의 개원은 조선왕조 초기 중앙의료질서 성립을 통한 봉건왕조의 절대왕권확립을 의미함으로 사료된다. 2) 내의원의 위치가 창덕궁의 중심부에 위치하고, 특히 어전(御殿)과 내전(內殿) 가까이에 위치함은 왕실의 질병을 신속하고도 중요하게 다루기 위함으로 사료된다. 3) 특히 의인을 내전에서도 대조전(大造殿) 가까히 둔것은 왕실의 질병중 왕비의 정신신체질환의 치료를 위함으로 사료된다. 4) 내의원의 진료형태는 왕진(往診)이었으며, 이는 당시 의원신분이 중인층이었음으로 사료된다. 5) 내의원의 이용중에서 평민에게는 왕명에 의해서만 이루어졌음으로 사료된다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.161-169
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• 2002

The traditional methodology of Korean regional studies had been shifted by geographic thoughts and philosophy as follows; Environmentalism or Environmental determinism stemming from geomancy were dominant methodology in the Korea era. An idiographic approach was introduced based on the encyclopedic description of geographic factors of villages for the centeralization of power in the Chosun era. A systematic geography that pursues scientific laws of regional differences which results from the interactions of human and nature had emerged through field works of some practical school in the later Chosun era.