• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.288-310
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• 2017

This paper aims to provide a conceptual framework to see the special zones in East Asia in relation to the territorialities of the state. For this, it will introduce Aihwa Ong's notion of 'spaces of exception', and provide some critical discussions on it. Unlike Ong, I do not see the spaces of exception as an outcome of neoliberal changes of the state. Instead, I propose to see the special zones in terms of the internal limitations of the modern state territoriality. In particular, I try to theorize the special zones in relation to the dialectics of the contradictory relations between mobility and fixity inherent in the territoriality of the modern nation state. In addition, it will be suggested to see special zones as an essential part of the spatiality of the East Asian developmental states, given the spatio-temporal contexts of the East Asian capitalist development. On the basis of these theoretical discussions, this paper will divide the special zones that have been developed in East Asia since the 1960s into 3 different types, including 1) developmentalist special zones, 2) neo-liberal special zones, and 3) special zones for transition, and discuss their characteristics.

• Maritime Security
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.137-161
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• 2023

This paper explores the limited role of alliances in preventing maritime territorial disputes among member states, using the ongoing conflict between Greece and Türkiye, two NATO allies, as a case study. Drawing on Institutionalist theory, we seek to explain the mechanisms that have contributed to the failure of the alliance to prevent this dispute, despite constant cooperation and transparency. Unlike land disputes, maritime territorial disputes are complex and multi-layered, with fluid boundaries that can change with climate or natural resource availability. Moreover, the lack of constant surveillance creates ambiguity about territorial encroachment thresholds. These factors have exacerbated the dispute between Greece and Türkiye, drawing other NATO members into the conflict and undermining the strength of the alliance. This paper concludes by providing policy implications for the Republic of Korea in its own potential maritime disputes, and contributes to the broader literature on the role of alliances in preventing territorial disputes.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.81-88
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• 2020

China, since the early days, according to their ideology, neighboring countries and their citizens were under their sphere of power. This means that only the Hanzu are real native Chinese and the other minor ethics groups are technically immigrants. The People's republic of china, part of the chinese communist party, has had rapid economic growth after Deng Xioping took over and implemented various expansionist policies and reforms, opening china to the world. Internally, the minority ethnic groups were forcibly relocated to specific regions, prohibited from using their native languages, and their culture was absorbed or incorporated into the Hanzu culture in an attempt to internally suppress or erase them. Externally, various projects such as the 'Xia-Shang-Zhou Chronology Project', 'Origins of Chinese Civilization Project', 'Northeast Project', 'Northwest Project', and the 'Southwest Project' were implemented to spread their culture and history to neighboring countries in an attempt to expand their territory. In addition, as capitalism spreads throughout china through reforms and its expansion, it has pioneered the one belt one road aiming to secure as safe transit and raw materials, expand their military facilities, and expand their export market. By doing so, China is infringing on other countries' politics, economy, and borders, and as a result there is a need for Korea to also reexamine its policies in all fields related to china such as politics, economy, history, and culture.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.5 s.135
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• pp.72-78
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• 1990

ASEAN 회원국들은 2000년대까지는 재래식 전투능력을 발전시키려는 그들의 현재의 노력으로 인해 상당한 진전을 보일 것이다. 특히 그들의 해상영역은 더욱 빈틈없이 관리되고, 힘을 과시한 제한된 수단을 소유할 것이다. 이 지역 불안정의 잠재적 원인은 스프래틀리 군도에 대한 상충하는 영토권 주장, 그리고 정도는 덜하지만 권력의 승계에 뿌리한 국내적 불안(수하르토 이후의 인도네시아, 아키노 이후의 필리핀, 부미폴 왕 이후의 태국)과 회교 근본주의(특히 말레이지아, 인도네시아, 브루나이)이다

• Korean Architects
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• no.7 s.327
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• pp.74-81
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• 1996

역사적으로 우리나라의 전통건축은 중국건축과 밀접한 관계를 지니고 있다. 그래서 중국이 자본주의 경제체제를 수용하면서 개방되자마자 중국건축에 관심을 가지고 있던 많은 사람들이 중국을 방문하게 되었다. 그리고 여러 사람들에 의해 중국건축에 대한 소개가 이루어졌다. 그러나 중국은 워낙 방대한 영토를 지니고 있고, 아직은 중국을 여행하는데 교통이나 안전 등 많은 문제가 있어서 국내에 소개된 중국건축은 빙산의 일각에 불과하다고 할 수 있다. 필자는 지난해 9월 28일부터 10월 25일까지 산서성을 중심으로 한 중국의 일부를 답사한 바 있다. 이번 답사 지역 중에는 기왕에 국내에 잘 알려진 곳도 있고 그렇지 않은 곳도 있다. 이번 기회에 그 답사내용을 사진과 평면 스케치를 곁들어 소개하고자 한다. 중국건축에 대한 이해와 연구에 조금이나마 도움이 되었으면 한다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.887-905
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• 2003

In this paper, we first understand the concept of imperialism as a 'a dialectical relation between territorial and capitalistic logics of power', as suggested by Harvey, and its history with three phases, the last of which would be seen as the phase of new imperialism. Secondly, we examine the New Security Strategy of the U.S which can be seen as a reflection of the new imperialism of the U.S. with its neo-conservative Bush administration, and explain the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq as the implementation of the new imperialism. And then we take a close look on the current geopolitical situation of East Asia, especially North and South Korea, Japan and China, in terms of the new imperialist foreign policy of the Bush administration. Finally, we consider the limits of the new imperialism of the U.S. and globally emerging movements of anti-imperialism.

• The Microorganisms and Industry
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.45-48
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• 1993

13억의 인구와 370만 평방마일의 영토를 가진 중국은 공산주의 경제체제에서 자본주의 경제체제를 도입하여 시장개방, 자유경쟁 경제방식으로 전환함에 따라서 급격한 경제성장을 이루어 국제통화기금(IMF)의 1993년 보고에 의하여 국내총생산액(GDP)가 1조 6천억$로 미국, 일본에 이어 세계 3위의 경제 성장을 이루어 경제강대국으로 부상하고 있고 아울러, 무한히 넓은 땅덩어리와 천연 및 인적자원을 기초로 한 앞으로의 성장잠재력이 크게 기대되어 미국, 일본을 비롯한 선진국이 중국에 대한 투자를 다방면으로 검토하기 시작했고 생명공학분야도 예외없이, 연구분야에는 포장시험, 임상시험 등 실용화 연구에 중국측 강점을 이용한 협동연구, 중국정부 자체가 상업화 가능성이 높다고 판단하는 Torch High Technology Development Center에의 외국기업이나 연구소의 참여 등으로 확대되고 있다. 산업계는 벤쳐 케피탈의 활성화를 통한 첨단기술에 대한 투자를 적극적으로 실시하는 한편, 제약 및 생명공학분야의 합작투자를 통해서 외국의 기술, 장비, 자본 및 노하우를 도입하고 있다. 우리나라는 여러 산업 분야에서 대중국 투자 또는 협력이 활발히 이루어지고 있지만, 생명공학 분야는 그렇지 못한 것 같다. 연구개발의 국제경쟁력은 우리나라의 자체 연구개발도 중요하지만, 아울러, 외국에 대한 연구 동향을 파악함과 가능한 분야에 대한 투자와 협력을 통한 공동관심과제의 도출은 중요한 의미를 갖는다.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.3-22
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• 2008

The purpose of this article is to make research on the meaning and function of the place of arbitration for, the international commercial arbitration. For this purpose is to analyse regal issue the meaning and function of the place of arbitration on the international commercial arbitration relating to the arbitration law and the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards. In this Article is dealt with Art. 2 para. 1 of the Korean Arbitration Act(KAA). The KAA corresponds with the connection to the place of arbitration, the internationally prevailing 'the principle of territoriality'. The place of arbitration is therefore great practical relevance, as there is not only the existing legal supplements on the arbitration procedure applies, but also in the state courts rule for the support and control of the tribunal are responsible. In this context, this article first intends the importance of the place of arbitration for determination of the applicable procedural law. Secondly, this article intends the importance of the place of arbitration for the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitral awards under "the United Nations Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards(New York Convention)". In conclusion, this article stresses, that the place of arbitration setting under Article 21 para. 1 KAA determine not only the applicable arbitration law, but also the jurisdiction of state courts in lawsuit for repeal of arbitration and qualification as a domestic or foreign arbitration award.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.199-215
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• 2002

The socio-economic and environmental systems of world are in turmoil. International conflicts are placed in their geographical context through the integration of maps. Changes in the world political map have often been the outcome of wars and conflicts associated with major geopolitical transitions. We identify five basic types--proto-nationalism, unification nationalism, separation nationalism, liberation nationalism and renewal nationalism. Political leaders in a wide range of contexts have been able to appeal to the nationalist doctrine to justify their actions. In recent years indigenous peoples have found a new voice in their struggle for survival. Although colonial empire's ending followed long and bloody struggles in some places. We really cannot understand the modem world as a whole if we do not understand the dynamic of that part of it which has endured and struggled against colonialism. The patterns of the international conflicting area are divided internal conflict type, mixed conflict type, international conflict type. The formation factors of the international conflicting area are divided ethnic group, religion, colonialism, resource, territory. There has recently been a resurgence of Islam's importance in world affairs. The oil crises of the 1970s gave new international leverage to several Muslim states.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.341-354
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• 2007

Since Goryo was established during the early tenth century, Koreans have believed that Goguryo, which ruled almost all of the Manchurian territory, was one of the Three Kingdoms of their ancestors. This Korean perspective conflicts with the Chinese perspective that Goguryo was a Chinese local government in Manchuria and the northen parts of Korean Peninsula. Modern Chinese people wish, by the measure of Manchurian Project, that the history of China includes the histories of all the ethnic groups in Manchurian territory. Although Chinese people attempt unreasonably to regard Goguryo as an old Chinese local government, it is not from the Korean nationalistic viewpoint but from the scientific historian viewpoint that this Chinese perspective should be criticised and corrected. We should remember that the nationalistic viewpoints in East Asia may hinder the establishment of mutual cooperation and security in the region.