• Title/Summary/Keyword: 연행록

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A Study on Ik-mo Lee's Yeonhaengrok (이익모의 병진연행록에 관한 연구)

  • Roh Ki-Chun
    • Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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    • v.36 no.3
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    • pp.213-231
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    • 2005
  • Yeonhaengrok is a document recorded by one member of the envoy sent to the China from 17 to 19 century. Ik-mo Lee, a member of the envoy, wrote a full explanation of the visit from Nov. 24 1796 to Mar. 7 1797 in his writing $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$. $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$, which is omitted in the complete collection of $\ulcorner$Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$, has been newly found at the Family of Suwon Baek's house locating at the Sanggum Vil., Yongsan Town, Jangheung County of Chonnam Province. $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$ contains an historical meaning that it is an official record of the official envoy that was sent first after the Injong's enthronement in China. This study observed the bibliographical features of $\ulcorner$Byongjin Yeonhaengrok${\lrcorner}$, the time of the transcription, the progress of receiving by the Suwon Baek family. And certified the details of the Byongjin envoy, going and returning between Hanyang and Beijing, staying schedules of the envoy in Beijing.

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A Study on the Chinese Translated of Korean version Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) of 『Sang-bong-lok』 in Korean (한역본(漢譯本) 연행록 『상봉록(桑蓬錄)』의 특징과 한역(漢譯) 양상 연구)

  • Chaung, Nae Won
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.55
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    • pp.147-172
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    • 2014
  • Kang Jae Eung translated "Sang-bong-lok" of Kang Ho Boo from Korean into Chinese. There is Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) written in with Korean and Chinese among 500 Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄). Especially it is very rare that is translated from Korean into Chinese. Because of there aspect, it is valuable and worth studying. "Sang-bong-lok" was 3 series by origin, but now we have only 2 series. That is the original text written in Chinese by Kang Ho Boo, a Korean version by Kang Ho Boo, and Chinese translated of Korean version by his descindants Kang Jae Eung. Original text dosen't exists now undiscovered yet. Chinese version "Sang-bong-lok" is distinguished from the other Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) and classical novel in form and contents. In formal aspect, Chinese version "Sang-bong-lok" describes an industry remarks in prologue. This industry remark describes standard and form of writing. Looking industry remark, you can find that Kang Jae Eung didn't add or subject the sentence of original text and distinguished between his own sentence and original text. This compiling system distinguishing compiler from original writter is rare enough to so that you cannot find it in other Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄). In contents, Kang Jae Eung almost transcribed Korean Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) without subtraction and added special information to promote the view of Kang Ho Boo. After discription, Kang Jae Eung covered all information and reviewed it and added opinion to it. Kang Jae Eung's conclusion is sometimes same or different from Kang Ho Boo's. Anyway it is worthy of noticing that Kang Jae Eung wrote his opinion after Kang Ho Boo's sentence.

The distinctive characteristic of homesickness in and the mean of the distinctive characteristic (<연행가>에 나타난 객수(客愁)의 특징과 그 의미 -『국역 연행록선집』에 수록된 연행록과의 대비를 중심으로-)

  • Jeong, Han-gi
    • Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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    • no.16
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    • pp.237-272
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    • 2008
  • In this thesis I aim at investigating at the distinctive characteristic of homesickness in written by Hong sun-hag and the mean of the distinctive characteristic. The result as follow. The aspect of homesickness in the Yeonhaengnok : The first, the traveler express the reason that cause the homesickness. The reason that cause the homesickness is various. The second, the traveler express the emotional conflict between worry about the family and ambition of travel in Yeonhaengsanmun. The third, the traveler express the reason that cause the homesickness and yearn for his home. The traveler express the individual experience connected with the family in Yeonhaengsanmun, the universal experience connected with the family in Yeonhaenghansi. The distinctive characteristic of homesickness in the and the mean of the distinctive characteristic : The first, the aspect of homesickness in the is all aspect of homesickness. The author of synthesizes homesickness. The second, the scenery rouse the traveler' homesickness and the traveler expresses homesickness by the empathy to the scenery. The mean of expressing by the scenery is that the expression succeed the 17th century Yeonhaenggasa. The third, the traveler concretely expresses his inner world. The mean of concretely expressing the inner world is that the expression is related to the realism of expressing the inner world.

Genealogical reading on YeonHangrok : A general survey on a series of YeonHang documents of 18th Century No-Ron Jeon-Ju Lee's Family(老論 全州李氏) and an analysis on their points of concern (연행록의 계보적 독해 - 18세기 전반 노론 사대신 전주이씨 집안 연행 기록의 개관과 관심지향 분석 -)

  • KIM, HYUN-MEE
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.62
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    • pp.37-65
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    • 2016
  • This paper is to explain who are the authors of first-half 18th Century private prose YeonHangRok(燕行錄) written in Chinese Character and what are interest-oriented aspects of that books. As objects of study, 3 private prose YeonHangRok(燕行錄) written by No-Ron Jeon -Ju Lee's Family(老論 全州李氏) were chosen. Result of reading articles in their anthology, I found their consciousness about going to Beijing. : They aware of "The importance of YeonHang(燕行)" and when they run a mission, they take an attitude of 'observation and attention' to their experience. With that consciousness of YeonHang(燕行) in common, So-jae(疎齋), Il-am (一菴) and Hanpojae(寒圃齋) wrote their YeonHangRok(燕行錄) that mainly describe their direct experience. So-jae(疎齋) and Hanpojae(寒圃齋)'s categories of descriptions are specialized in 'Public Affairs' and 'mission', Il-am(一菴) has widened to the everyday cultures and people of Other cultures.

《음빙행정력》 소고(小考)

  • Lee, Gyeong-Hun
    • 중국학논총
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    • no.56
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    • pp.201-217
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    • 2017
  • 目前, 在学术界燕行錄还未受到应有的瞩目.本文将对其中由木山所著的《飮氷行程曆》为对象进行研究.首先, 为了考察《飮氷行程曆》与之前的一些出使记錄间的联系, 我们要先找到《飮氷行程曆》中引用《老稼齋燕行日記》的部分.还要找到其他以'饮冰'为题目的鄭太和《飮氷錄》相关研究, 以及与《飮氷行程曆》之间的相关性.其次, 通过考察《18世紀燕行錄与中國社會》, 《燕行史与北京天主堂》, 《燕行錄硏究層位》, 《燕行錄硏究叢書》等书籍中的目录, 便可得出《飮氷行程曆》中所记錄内容的综合性这一特征, 并举出实例.同时, 从木山《飮氷行程曆》详尽记载的出使路程记錄来看, 亦可观察到他记錄的综合性.最后, 通过这次研究, 我们可以进一步完善有关燕行錄的研究, 同時也对前人研究中存在的不足进行修正.

Man's Hair Style on (연행록에 나타난 남자 수식)

  • Kim Hea-Sook;Kim Tae-Young
    • Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.97-110
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    • 2006
  • The value that evaluates ancient Oriental civilization and culture is Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀: the view that China is only good country and the others are savages) as Confucianism. Generally, Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) includes cultural Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) as Confucian culture is only superior, Han-centered racial Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀), and country-centered geographical Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀). As times goes on, instead racial and geographical Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) is diluted, cultural Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) was just emphasized. The value of cutural Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) is presented on dressing system and hair style becoming an issue in Confucian culture. This study intends to research how Hwa-i-ron in latter period of Chosun influenced the view of Ching men's hair style, pigtail. For this study, 5 books of Yeon-hang-rok in $17{\sim}18$ centuries are chosen, but some parts of them would be selected concerning with hairdressing and would be studied with other documents. Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) had dominated in the latter period of Chosun and had been making proprieties, then geographical and racial Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) were disappeared when Ching had been building a big cultural country, but cultural Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) had been stronger in latter period of Chosun than before, it had been a standard in all proprieties. After all, not only did cultural Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) become a standard of all proprieties in Chosun, but it was applied to the view of Ching men's hairstyle. So, people thought that pigtail, Ching men's hairstyle, is a custom of the savages. out of Chinese proprieties. Therefore, this cultural Hwa-i-kwan(華夷觀) that Chosun is a real China through taking over Chinese proprieties might be in that age.

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A Study on the Il-ja-ock in Northeast Region of China during the Qing Dynasty - Focused on the Writings in Yeon-haeng-rok - (청대(淸代) 중국(中國) 동북부(東北部) 지역(地域) 일자옥(一字屋)에 관한 연구(硏究) - 연행록(燕行錄)에 나타난 기록을 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Seung-Yeon;Lee, Sang-Hae
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.8 no.2 s.19
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    • pp.47-58
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    • 1999
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the historical and environmental background of the straight-line-shaped plan emerged in northeast region of China during the Qing dynasty. This raper is mainly based on the writings in Yeon-haeng-rok. The results are summarized as follows: First the necessity of a lot of sunshine due to the cold climate in that region made the people select the plan that rooms to be added side by side. Second, it was not necessary to build the house with non-straight-line-shaped plan due to the reason that the northeast region of China is so vast and the size of the house lot was not limited. Third, the condition of family income somewhat affect the shape of plan to be straight-line-shaped, which is much economical to construct a house than other shape of plan. Fourth, the way of living of the people in that region during the Qing dynasty made the house plan straight-line-shaped which is convenient to sit either on the floor or on the chair within a room. Fifth, straight-line-shaped plan became an adequate means to represent the hierarchy of the use of inner space of a house and eventually became an architectural norm of this region.

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Kim Youngjak(金永爵) and the new material, 『A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)』 (금영작(金永爵)과 한중 척독교류의 새 자료 『중조학사서한록(中朝學士書翰錄)』)

  • QIAN, JINMEI
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.34
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    • pp.167-206
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    • 2009
  • This paper discovers and introduces the collection of letters, "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" which was made by Kim Youngjak(1802~1868) who had collected the letters from Chinese intellectuals. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" is a collector which contains handwritten letters to Kim Youngjak from Chinese people such as cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰), and li wen yuan(李文源). Kim Youngjak had frequent meetings with Chinese intellectuals not only directly but also indirectly. He had exchanged letters with li bo heng(李伯衡), shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) for 30 years. In 1858, he went to Beijing and met Chinese intellectuals ye ming li(葉名澧), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), wu kun tian(吳昆田), cheng gong shou(程恭壽), and zhao guang(趙光). After coming back to Chos?n, he continued to exchange letters with them. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" contains autograph letters by Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals. It has ten letters for Kim Youngjak written by cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰) and so on. One letter and five poems which zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) wrote to the son of Kim are also contained. The letters by zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) shows a sincere friendship with Kim Youngjak. The relationship between li bo heng(李伯衡) (who had exchanged letters with Kim for 30 years) and his son li wen yuan(李文源) proves that the cultural interchange between Korea and China had lasted successively. Kim Youngjak has not been widely known in academic circles yet but should not be ignored for the study in the cultural interchange between Korea and China. He proposed to have a relationship with li bo heng(李伯衡) and shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) first and they sent back positively. Therefore, they had a literal and private relationship by only exchanging letters each other. Also considering the fact that Kim Youngjak, as a man of high birth, had a close relationship with Chinese intelletuals, we can notice that Chinese and Korean intellectuals had open minds based on sincerity and trust. This was possible because many intellectuals before him like Hong Daeyong made a basis of the tradition of companionship. At this point, the relationship between Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals and "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" have an important value. The collections of Kim Youngjak's works contain only several letters and poems which he sent to Chinese intellectuals. Accordingly, the letters in "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" are important to understand the aspects of their interchange.

A Study of the Time-Space and Appreciation for the Performance Culture of Gwanseo Region in Late Joseon Period: Focusing on Analysis of Terminology (조선후기 관서지방의 공연 시공간과 향유에 관한 연구)

  • Song, Hye-jin
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.22
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    • pp.287-325
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    • 2011
  • This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.

A Study on Glass Mirror Trade and its Characteristics of Craft after Joseon Dynasty (조선 후기 유리거울의 수입과 공예품의 특징)

  • Park, Jinkyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.206-225
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    • 2019
  • This paper examines the trade and development aspects of glass mirrors through the literature records of the Joseon Dynasty, and studies the characteristics of existing glass mirror crafts by referring to the terms and types shown in the literature. The glass mirror in the records had called western mirrors(西洋鏡, 洋鏡), glass mirrors(玻璃鏡, 玻瓈鏡), stone mirrors(石鏡), etc. Glass mirrors were imported mainly through trade with Russia and the Qing Dynasty since the 17th century and were banned from importation in the late Joseon Dynasty. These mirrors were something new that caused a great stirring in Joseon society in the 18th century, and in the 19th century, it grew larger as a commodity needed for everyday life, especially with trade with Japan. At that time, glass mirrors were used for various purposes, such as installing large glass at a store, which were not the standard mirror usage of confirming one's appearance. These mirrors surprised Koreans in Joseon who experienced them at Yanjing Liulichang(燕京 琉璃廠) in the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result, the demand for glass mirrors rapidly increased and quickly surpassed that of bronze mirrors. Consequentially, new crafts using glass mirrors instead of bronze mirrors in Joseon began to be produced and used after the 18th century. In particular, integrated flat boards of glass mirrors were developed as crafts used indoors. It was convenient to use the hair comb box, a long-time presence in Joseon society, with the bronze mirror. This kind of mirror remained apparent in various genre paintings, including the Taepyeong Seongsido(太平城市圖, 'A Thriving City in a Peaceful Era') collected the National Museum of Korea which reflect its populism of the times. Also, the Mirror Stand(鏡臺) used in the Qing Period was produced in Joseon, but there was a difference in the way of making the drawers and box shapes between two nations. On the other hand, the Face Mirror(面鏡) was made to look at the face. Various crafts made with the aesthetic sense of Joseon, such as the ox horn inlaying craft technique, were produced with auspicious designs. In the 19th century, glass mirrors were imported from European countries, such as France, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom, however after the end of the 19th century Japanese crafts were popular. Glass mirrors, which were popular in the Meiji and Taisho eras of Japan, were imported and also the Mirror Screen(鏡屛) using large glass mirrors were used. In particular, the mirror screen had developed wood furniture since the previous time, which were used for banquets and large spaces, such as the drawing room, and were imported from China and Japan. In addition, the western architectural effect of attaching a mirror to the wall was also attempted to adjust the brightness of the space and introduce another image and scenery in the mirror. This was done at Deoksugung Palace's Seokjojeon.