• International Area Studies Review
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.251-275
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• 2016

This study aims to answer the following three questions: 1) What is "jeitinho" in Brazil and its historical roots, 2) What are similarities and differences between "jeitinho" and nepotism in Korea, and 3) Considering the nation-wide prevalence of "jeitinho" in Brazil as a desirable way of thinking and acting, how can Korean firms in Brazil effectively manage cultural differences between Brazil and Korea? To answer these questions, this study reviews previous research on "jeitinho" and nepotism and systematically compare them from a theoretical perspective. After that, the comparison results are further discussed in the context of Korean firms in Brazil, suggesting how the Brazilian and Korean culture can be successfully integrated to boost performance.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.315-333
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• 2014

The study was carried out to analyze election regionalism and to find out the spatial pattern of party support drawn in the 18th general election. Strongly biased pattern found to be caused by party strategies and voting behaviour preferring for the local party. Each party employed the strategies such as tactical and nepotic nomination, regional development pledges, and local instigation of regionalism. In consciousness survey done by the National Election Commission, primarily people tend to choose the representative by his(her) party and secondly, they consider their carrier and occupation. They vote for the same party in the local district and proportional representation. While election regionalism strongly found in voting behaviour of each party's main strongholds based on spatial pattern of major party support, voters of Seoul and Chungbuk tend to vote for their interests due to regional development pledges such as 'Newtown' Development and 'Multifunctional Administrative City' construction.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.91-119
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• 2005

This study examines the perception and trust of Korean society and people among students and adults using the indigenous psychological analysis. A matched sample of 1,107 participants, consisting of 369 students, their mothers and their fathers completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The results indicate that parents more likely than adolescents to hold negative views of Korean society. Adults are more likely than adolescents to view Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism, to be insecure, to be conservative, to be corrupt, and to have social inequities. Both groups agree that Korean society is not rational nor democratic, but believe that it has the potential for progress. Second, parents are more likely to hold negative views about Korean people. Adults are more likely than adolescents of viewing Korean people as overly conscious about social face, emotional, selfish, exclusionary, and conceited. Both adolescents and their parents agree that Koreans are cooperative, full of jung (deep affection and attachment), and sincere. Third, adults are less likely to trust Korean institutions than adolescents. Adults are less likely than adolescents to trust National Assembly, political parties, and unions. Adolescents are more likely than their parents to trust family members, school friends, teachers, and government employees. These results indicate that adolescents have higher trust of Korean society and people than their parents. Fifth, the overall results indicate that both group perceive Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism and corruption. In terms of Korean people, respondents had a more balanced view of perceiving them as highly sensitive to social face and being emotional, while also perceiving them as cooperative and full of jung. The trust of Korean institutions were generally low, especially the National Assembly and political parties. However, the trust of family was very high, followed by trust of school friends and teachers. The trust of government employees was low and this was especially the case for politicians.

• 대한한약신문
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• s.116
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• pp.1-12
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• 2006

2006년도 제3차 회장단 협의회/정부, 약사법.의료법 전면개정안 국회 제출/"한약재 품질관리 강화된다"/생산단계서 의약품으로 구별 관리해야/치료효과 보장.암시하는 의료광고 형사처벌/의료단체 행정소송 이어 연말정산 '헌법소원' 제기/난치성질환 치료에 '한의학' 적극 활용/한의학연, 사상의학 본격 연구/의료비 자료제출 거부기관 세무조사 경고/"한약, 간기능 악화 요인 없다"/의료기관 공진단 취급 '주의 요망'/한의원, 자체 제조한 안약.연고 등 판매불가/"의료비 소득제출 유언비어 살포시 고발조치"/"연말정산 미제출 병의원 세무조사 없다"/복지부, 요양기관 녹색인증제 폐지/소득.학력 높을수록 약국 서비스에 불만족/PD수첩 방영된 한의사 3명 징계 결정/부정합 판정 한약재 취급 업소 행정처분/개원한의사 전문의 면허시험 자격인정 연구/지부탐방-지부장에게 듣는다/칼럼-고쟁이와 자궁병/애증 이야기/명칭이 비슷하여 감별하기 어려운 한약재/성약과 패륜아/우리 약초를 찾아서-치자나무/한방과 항문질환/노인들 아스피린을 상용하면/전호, 오용에 대한 소고

• Iberoamérica
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.5-32
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• 2017

5.18 Gwangju Democratization Movement was approved as a legal democratization movement by president Kim Young Sam in May 1993 and was approved as a global recording inheritance by UNESCO in May 2011 for the honor of Gwangju citizens to be restored. However, assessment on this until today after 35 years of occurrence is not nationally unified and the mind of Gwangju maybe only remembered as pride by Gwangju. There are several factors of this continuing situation but this researcher thinks the biggest factor is that professionals reanalyzing the truth ascertainment fitting spirit of the times who are in charge of citizen education are intensively distributed in Jeolla-do and Seoul. Moreover, the journal unlikely assessing 5.18 have enemies in the assailant area during activity that unity is not taking place with divided assessments and trapped in Honam. This study judges that the reason the meaning of 5.18 is trapped in Honam and not nationally unified is because of the limit of "adversary system." Especially researchers who should analyze and explain this incident in a objective views are bias distributed (Gwangju Jeolla-do> Seoul>Gyeongnam) in hometown areas that the possibility of 5.18 meaning not being unified was focused. Academic research studies, journal writers, and publication locations are divided in this study to reveal they are bias distributed and reveal that there is possibility that this biased distribution of researches are becoming obstacles in overcoming regionality.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.103-129
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• 2004

This article examines the Korean adolescents and adults' social representation and trust of Korean society and people using indigenous psychological analysis. Respondents were asked to write in an open-ended questionnaire their perception of the following five aspects: Korean politics, economy, society, culture and people. They were then asked to report why they trust or distrust Korean society. A total of 1,064 respondents (218 middle school students, 200 university students, 218 fathers of the middle school students, 218 mothers of the middle school students, and 210 teachers) completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The data were collected during April to June, 2003. The results indicate that 94.5% of Koreans view the existing political system and politicians as being corrupt, inept, factional, and lacking in integrity. A vast majority (84.9%) recognize the existence of systemic problems in the Korean economy. A total of 78.2% see problems in Korean society being dominated by selfishness, factionalism, conservatism, and social uncertainty. For Korean culture, a majority of respondents report being proud of its cultural tradition, accomplishment, and creativity. At the same time, 45.7% report loss of cultural identity and pride due to external influences. More than half of the respondents report negative aspects of Korean people (i.e., selfish, lack of morality, rushed, and overly focused on their social image), while nearly half of the respondents report positive aspects of Korean people as being compassionate, cooperative, good-natured and hard-working. As for reason for trusting Korean society, around a third report "because it is our country," followed by its future potential, and the good-nature and willingness of Korean people to work hard. The reasons for distrusting Korean society is the dishonesty politicians, corruption, institutional ineptness, and economic uncertainty. These results indicate a low level of collective efficacy in influencing and affecting change in Korean society.

• Journal of Oral Medicine and Pain
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.109-114
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• 2013

Chemical burn on the oral mucosa is caused by contact with various chemical products and manifests with localized mucositis, keratotic white lesions, bleeding, and painful tissue surface due to the coagulation of the tissue. Policresulen ($Albothyl^{(R)}$) is a topical antiseptic, commonly used over-the-counter drug for vaginitis, thrush and stomatitis. This drug is highly acidic with pH 0.6, and can act as a strong corrosive agent to oral mucosa. When inadvertently used in oral cavity, it may cause chemical burns of oral mucosa, resulting necrosis and bleeding surface resembling to erythema multifome. A 56 years old female patient presented with the chief complaints of painful ulcerations on the tongue, the upper and lower lips. On intraoral examination, an erythromatous, erosive or ulcerative surface covered with inflammatory exudates or bleeding crust is observed on the anterior half of the tongue and the upper and lower lips. She has occasionally applied the policresulen solution topically on the tongue to relieve pain from recurrent focal glossitis for about 10 years. In this time she applied it broadly and repeatedly to the tongue, the upper and lower lips for the purpose of pain relief by herself without instruction by physician or dentist. After cessation of policresulen application, the oral mucosa was rapidly recovered with use of topical steroids. In 2 weeks the lesions subsided completely. In summary, inadvertent use of $Albothyl^{(R)}$ on oral mucosa may result in chemical burn, causing mucosal erosion, ulceration and inflammation. It can be recovered by topical use of corticosteroid for 2 weeks after cessation of using $Albothyl^{(R)}$.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.90 no.3
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• pp.398-412
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to examine the roles of the forest-land registry system in the Forest Law of 1908 and the effects this system had on the colonial forest-land policy used in Korea under the influence of Japanese Imperialism. This was started under the Profit-sharing Forest System which was one of the policies for disposing of the Korean national forests. The purpose of this system was to establish forest-land ownership, a fundamental human right. This system was enforced by the Japanese Colonial Government without regard to the customary and important right of Koreans to use the forests, and without considering the distinction between national and private forests. Koreans understood that this system was a warning sign of a tax being imposing on forest-land owners. Furthermore, Koreans thought the Japanese were using this system to deprive them of their forest-land. The strata of Koreans reporting ownership were very limited and included the intellectual(upper-middle) class, higher officials in counties and townships, relatives and relations of these officials, and survey agents. In particular the actual owners could not submit a report registering their land in this system because the required survey cost more than the value of the forest-land. Within the time period specified by the Japanese Colonial Government, about 520,000 registries were reported involving 2.2 million Jung-bo(.9917 hectare) with most of these coming during the last five months of reporting period. Koreans made a reasonable request to extend the deadline, but it was refused. After the reporting period expired there were no follow-up measures such as verification of the reported registrations nor establishment of boundaries between national and private forests. According to Article 19 in the Forest Law of 1908 about 14 million Jung-bo, which was not registered within the reporting period was nationalized. The colonial forest-land policy used in Korea by the Japanese Colonial Government was as follows : (1) to create a large number of national forests in the early period of their rule, (2) to divide these national forests into indispensible national forests and dispensible national forests, and (3) to transfer ownership of the dispensible national forests to colonial Japanese. To achieve the latter, the occupational government needed a method to insure ownership. They devised a tree-planting scheme in which the national forests classified as disposable were "loaned" and then transferred to these Japanese. The actual Korean owners claimed title to this forest-land and asked for the eviction of the new owners but the Japanese occupation government rejected these suits using the excuse that previous Korean owners did not submit the required registration report within the specified time period. In short the Principle of Forest-land Registry was used as a means to consolidate the forest-lands of Korea and distribute large portions of it to Japanese citizens after seizing it from the rightful Korean owners.