• Title/Summary/Keyword: 역사적 연구

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Cost Analysis of Home Nursing Care Patients in Rural Hospital (농촌 지역 중소병원의 가정간호사업소 등록환자의 방문비용분석)

  • Kim, Jin-Soon;Kum, Ran;HwangBo, Soo-Ja
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.91-101
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    • 1999
  • The home nursing care system is an integral part of the health care delivery system in order to meet the various needs of consummer, in particular, early discharge patient from the hospital, patient with long term care needed and the elderly. To find out the cost of home nursing care services, the home nursing care records of patients registered by home nursing care units established in public hospital with 150beds during the period of 1996 - 1997 were analyzed. The subjects were 102patients, 45 of male patients and 57 of female patients, those who live in a rural area in Kymiggi - Do The results obtained are as follows : 1. The male patients accounted for 44.1% of the total, with 45cases : group aged 60 years and more was the largest group, accounting for 79.5%. 2. The most frequent disease revealed was the osteoporosis which constitute 35.3% of the total registered patients, followed, in order, by malignant tumor, cerebrovascular disease. 3. It revealed that the cost per visit for the male was 47,764won ; the female, 46,078 won per visit. Noteworthy the cost per visit was high in the older patient. It was clearly that the gender, years of age and the cost per visit were statistically significant at 0.01 level and 0.05 level. 4. The cost per visit for the non complicated disease was slightly higher than the complicated disease, but it is not statistically significant, the cost per visit by type of disease varied, the cost per visit for COPD was the highest, followed, in order, by in malignant tumor, cancer, diabetes, osteoporosis etc. 5. It revealed that home nursing care cost for a eligible disease for home nursing care was less than the cost for hospitalization of the same disease, therefore, we expect that the home nursing care is cost efficiency. In conclusion, the home nursing care costs are needed to analyze further in comparison with the hospitalization costs for a certain disease.

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Study on the Conservation Management System of China's Natural Reserve (중국 자연보호구의 보전관리체계에 관한 연구)

  • Yao, Zhang;Kim, Dong-Pil;Moon, Ho-Gyeong
    • Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.474-484
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    • 2015
  • This study aims at providing exercisable basic data for the management of protection areas in China by investigating into their legal system such as current laws, regulations, other relevant laws and international treaties and the management system such as history, classification, organization, personnel, funds and main management work.. In People's Republic of China (1954), several laws have been enacted in succession, such as Environment Law (1989), Regulations of Natural Reserves (1994) and Land Management Methods of Natural Reserves (1995). The development process of China's natural reserves is divided into the following five phases. In the initial phase (1956-1965), about 20 natural reserves were established; in the lag phase (1966-1978), a part of the natural reserves was destroyed under the influence of the Great Cultural Revolution; in the development phase (1979-1998), a normative legal system began to appear after the reform and opening up; in the leap phase (1999-2006), the number of natural reserves increased dramatically; in the stable phase ( 2007-present), the protection and restoration of the ecological environment have been implemented, and the supervision and management have been strengthened. China has established natural reserves of national, provincial, municipal and county levels according to the relevant laws. According to the resource categories, natural reserves can be divided into natural ecosystem reserves, wildlife reserves and natural relic reserves. The Ministry of Forestry is in charge of 1,958 natural reserves which account for 74.2 % of the total natural reserves in China. In China, there are 1,384 natural reserves (52.4 %) for which management institutions have been set up. 1,702 natural reserves (64.47 %) are equipped with management staff, showing a higher ratio than the natural reserves which have set up management institutions. China has established natural reserves of national level, provincial level, municipal level and county level according to law. According to the resource categories, natural reserves can be divided into natural ecosystem reserves, wildlife reserves, and natural relic reserves. The Ministry of Forestry is in charge of 1,958 natural reserves which accounts for 74.2 % of the total natural reserves in China. In China, there are 1,384 natural reserves (52.4 %) which have set up management institutions. 1,702 natural reserves (64.47 %) are equipped with management staff with a higher ratio than the natural reserves which have set up management institutions.

Metallurgical Study on the Iron Artifacts Excavated from Sudang-ri Site in Geumsan (금산 수당리유적 출토 철제유물의 금속학적 연구)

  • Park, Hyung-ho;Cho, Nam-chul;Lee, Hun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.3
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    • pp.134-149
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    • 2013
  • The Sudang-ri Site in Geumsan is considered the historic site where Baekje dominated the inland traffic route to Gaya through Geumsan and Jinan in the 5th Century. This study identified the production techniques of iron by conducting an analysis of metallographical microstructure of the artifacts such as an iron sword and an iron sickle that were excavated in Sudang-ri Site, Geumsan, one of the regions ruled by Baekje, and tried to figure out the characteristics and the technical systems of Baekje's ironmaking around the 5th Century by comparing them with other iron artifacts produced around the same time. The analysis showed that various production techniques were applied to the artifacts excavated in Sudang-ri Site, Geumsan. Depending on the production techniques, they can be divided largely into three methods: the simple shape-forging method, the steel manufacture method after forging, and the steel manufacture & heat-treatment method after forging. The iron sickle from the stone chamber tomb No. 1, which was produced only through forging, is mostly composed of soft ferrite at both edges of the blade and at the rear making the use of the weapon impractical. From this fact, it is presumed that they were produced as burial objects or ceremonial accessories for the person buried. The iron axe from the outer stone coffin tomb No. 1 and the iron swords and sickle from the outer stone coffin tomb No. 12, which were produced through the steel manufacture method after forging such as carburizing, did not go through the heat treatment such as quenching, but applied different production processes to each part. Therefore, it is deemed that they were produced as daily tools for cultivation rather than burial objects or ceremonial accessories. The production techniques following the forging process - carburizing and heat treatment - can be found on the iron swords from the outer stone coffin tomb No. 5 and the outer stone coffin tomb No. 12. The sturdy structure of the blade part and the durable structure of the rear processed with heat are deemed to have been produced as weaponry and used by the person buried. Based on the analysis of the iron artifacts excavated from Sudang-ri Site in Geumsan, the characteristics of iron production techniques were investigated by comparing them with the artifacts from Yongwon-ri Site in Cheonan, Bongseon-ri Site in Seocheon, and Bujang-ri Site in Seosan that were made around the same time as the cluster of Baekje tombs examined by the metallographical microstructure analysis of this study. For the iron artifacts analyzed here, the changes in the techniques were investigated using the iron swords common in all of the tombs. In the case of the iron swords, it was identified the heat treatment technique called tempering was applied from the 4th Century.

DC Resistivity method to image the underground structure beneath river or lake bottom (하저 지반특성 규명을 위한 전기비저항 탐사)

  • Kim Jung-Ho;Yi Myeong-Jong;Song Yoonho;Cho Seong-Jun;Lee Seong-Kon;Son Jeongsul
    • 한국지구물리탐사학회:학술대회논문집
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    • 2002.09a
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    • pp.139-162
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    • 2002
  • Since weak zones or geological lineaments are likely to be eroded, weak zones may develop beneath rivers, and a careful evaluation of ground condition is important to construct structures passing through a river. Dc resistivity surveys, however, have seldomly applied to the investigation of water-covered area, possibly because of difficulties in data aquisition and interpretation. The data aquisition having high quality may be the most important factor, and is more difficult than that in land survey, due to the water layer overlying the underground structure to be imaged. Through the numerical modeling and the analysis of case histories, we studied the method of resistivity survey at the water-covered area, starting from the characteristics of measured data, via data acquisition method, to the interpretation method. We unfolded our discussion according to the installed locations of electrodes, ie., floating them on the water surface, and installing at the water bottom, since the methods of data acquisition and interpretation vary depending on the electrode location. Through this study, we could confirm that the dc resistivity method can provide the fairly reasonable subsurface images. It was also shown that installing electrodes at the water bottom can give the subsurface image with much higher resolution than floating them on the water surface. Since the data acquired at the water-covered area have much lower sensitivity to the underground structure than those at the land, and can be contaminated by the higher noise, such as streaming potential, it would be very important to select the acquisition method and electrode array being able to provide the higher signal-to-noise ratio data as well as the high resolving power. The method installing electrodes at the water bottom is suitable to the detailed survey because of much higher resolving power, whereas the method floating them, especially streamer dc resistivity survey, is to the reconnaissance survey owing of very high speed of field work.

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K-Ar and $^{40}$ Ar/$^{39}$ Ar Ages from Metasediments in the Okcheon Metamorphic Belt and their Tectonic Implication (옥천 변성대 변성퇴적암의 K-Ar및 $^{40}$ Ar/$^{39}$ Ar 연대와 그 의의)

  • 김성원;오창환;이덕수;이정후
    • The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.79-99
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    • 2003
  • Muscovite and biotite from 52 metasediments and 5 granites in the Hwasan area, the southwest of the Okcheon metamorphic belt and the Miwon-Jeungpyeong area, central Okcheon metamorphic belt were dated by the K-Ar and $^{40}$ Ar/$^{39}$ Ar methods. Muscovite and biotite ages from metapelitic and psammitic rocks (metasediments) of the Boeun and Pibanryeong units in the Hwasan area are concentrated in the mid-Jurassic (149-180 Ma). K-Ar and $^{40}$ Ar/$^{39}$ Ar ages for metapelitic and psammitic rocks of the Boeun and Pibanryeong units in the Miwon-Jeungpyeong area show complicated age distribution. Muscovite and biotite ages are classified by three groups, 142-194 Ma, 216-234 Ma, and 241-277 Ma. Younger (Cretaceous) ages occur only in metasediments close to Cretaceous granitic rocks in the southeastern region and the older ages of 216-277 Ma are restricted to the middle Part of the Jeungpyeong area. Most ages in the other area of the central Okcheon metamorphic belt fall between 142-194 Ma (Jurassic). K-Ar and $^{40}$ Ar/$^{39}$ Ar ages for granite from the northern part in the both the southwest and central Okcheon metamorphic belt also gave middle Jurassic ages (156-168 Ma). The similar ages from both metasediments and granites in the study areas indicate simultaneous cooling of both rocks to 300-350$^{\circ}C$ during the middle Jurassic. The state of graphitization of carbonaceous material of all metasediments in the study areas Indicates fully ordered graphite falling within a small range, from 3.353 to 3.359 ${\AA}$, which indicate amphibolite facies regional metamorphism. In the southern sector of the Boeun unit from the Hwasan area, metamorphic grade indicated by mineral paragenesis during regional intermediate-P/T metamorphism is greenschist facies. Whereas, the $d_{002}$ values for carbonaceous materials in the same sector show fully ordered graphite (ca. 500$^{\circ}C$) indicating amphibolite facies. This result with the concentration of mica ages of metasediments into the middle Jurassic, the presence of low-P/T thermal metamorphic zone (>500$^{\circ}C$) in the metasediments close to the Jurassic granite and the regional intrusion of Jurassic granites and their middle Jurassic intrusion and cooling ages may indicate the low-P/T regional thermal event during the early(\ulcorner)-middle Jurassic after main intermediate-P/T metamorphism which formed main mineral assemblage regionally in the study area. The regional thermal event failed, however, to reset the mineral assemblage of regional intermediate-P/T metamorphism except for narrow aureole (1-2 km) around Jurassic granite because e duration of thermal effect was relatively short by repid cooling of the Jurassic granite. In the middle part of the Jeungpyeong area, central Ogcheon metamorphic belt, muscovite and biotite K-Ar ages from 5 samples are 263-277 Ma and 241-249 Ma, respectively. An intermediate-P/T metamorphism is currently accepted to have occurred between 280 and 300 Ma. Therefore, the muscovite and biotite ages can be interpreted as cooling ages after Ml metamorphism indicating rapid cooling to ca 350$^{\circ}C$ between 280-300 Ma and 263-271 Ma, and biotite ages indicate slower cooling to ca. 300$^{\circ}C$ between 263-277 Ma and 241-249 Ma. However, more detail study is needed to confirm why the Permian to Triassic ages occur only in the middle Part of the Jeungpyeong area.a.

Analysis of the Shijujils(施主秩), the records on the creation of Buddha statues, of wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 목조비로자나삼신불좌상의 조성기 「시주질(施主秩)」 분석)

  • Yoo, Geun-Ja
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.112-138
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    • 2021
  • This paper mainly analyzes the records titled 'Shijujil(施主秩)' from the Bokjangs of each of the Rocana and Shakyamuni statues enshrined as wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triadcomposed of Vairocana(center), Rocana(right), and Shakyamuni(left) at the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye. The Shijujil from the Shakyamuni statue was recovered through Bokjang investigation in September 2015 and has been kept in the museum of Hwaeomsa as an undisclosed relic. After the discovery of the Shijujil from the Rocana statue through an Bokjang investigation in July 2020, both of the Shijujils were only officially released through the special exhibition 'Grand Hwaeomsa Temple in Jirisan Mountain' in September 2021. Existing documents recording on the creation of Buddha statues in the 17th century are in the form of sheets or rolls. However, the Shijujils take the form of simple stitched booklets. The Shijujil from Rocana consists of 19 chapters and 38 pages in one book, and the Shijujil from Shakyamuni consists of 11 chapters and 22 pages in one book. The contents of the Shijujils consist of the purpose of the Buddha statue creation, the creation date, the year and place of enshrining, the names of the statues, the people in charge and their roles, the sculptors, the list of items donated, and the list of the contributors. In addition, the list of monks who were staying at Hwaeomsa Temple at that time are also recorded, so the Shijujil is like a time capsule that tells the situation of Hwaeomsa Temple about 400 years ago. According to the records of the Shijujils and the Writing on the wooden pedestal of Rocana, the Vairocana Triad began to be in March 1634(12th year of King Injo) and was completed in August of that year, and was enshrined in the Daeungjeon Hall in the fall of the following year. It is very important to confirm that the Vairocana Buddha Triad of Hwaeomsa was created in 1634. Since studies on the reconstruction of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century and the roles of Byeokam Gakseong have been mainly based on 『湖南道求禮縣智異山大華嚴寺事蹟』 written by monk Haean in 1636, it has been estimated that the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad was created in 1636. However, it is now known that the Virocana Buddha Triad was created in 1634. The Shijujils are also a good source of information about Byeokam Gakseong who played a pivotal roles in the reconstruction projects of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century. He played leading roles in rebuilding the East Five-story Stone Pagoda(1630), in creating the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad(1634), and in producing the Yeongsanhoe Gwaebul(1653, Hanging Scroll Painting depicting the Shakyamuni preaching). It is also very important that the Shijujils are records that can reveal the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and royal family of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni are the first documents ever discovered in which the names of royal family members, such as Uichanggun(Gwang Lee, son of King Seonjo), Ikseong Shin(son-in-law of King Seonjo), and Crown Prince Sohyeon(son of King Injo) are recorded in detail in relation to the production of Buddha statues. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni contain specific information about the production of the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad in the 17th century, such as the year of production of the Buddha statues, the role of Byeokam Gakseong, and the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and the royal family, so it is of great value not only for art history but also for historical studies of Hwaeomsa Temple.

A Study on the Yousang-Dae Goksuro(Curve-Waterway) in Gangneung, Yungok-Myun, Yoodung Ri (강릉 연곡면 유등리 '유상대(流觴臺)' 곡수로(曲水路)의 조명(照明))

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup;Lee, Jung-Han;Huh, Jun;Park, Joo-Sung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.14-21
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    • 2012
  • The object of the study, Yousang-Dae(流觴臺) and engraved Go broad text on the flat rock in Gangneung-si Yungok-myun Yoodung-ri Baemgol, reveals that the place was for appreciating arts like Yusang Goksu and Taoist hermit's games. three times of detail reconnaissance survey brought about the results as follows. There is a the text, Manwolsan(滿月山) Baegundongcheon(白雲洞天), engraved on the rock in Baegunsa(白雲寺) that had been built by Doun at the first year of King Hungang(in 875) of the United Shilla, became in ruins in the middle of Joseon, and then was rebuilt in 1954. The text is an invaluable evidence indicating that the tradition of Taoist hermit and Sunbee(classical scholars) culture has been generated in Baemgol Valley. According to the 2nd vol. of Donghoseungram(東湖勝覽), the chronicle of Gangneung published by Choi Baeksoon in 1934, there is a record saying that 'Baegunsa in Namjeonhyeon is the classroom where famous teachers like Yulgok Lee Yi or Seongje Choi Ok were teaching' that verifies the historic property of the place. In addition, the management of Nujeong(樓亭) and Dongcheon can be traced through Baegunjeong(白雲亭) constructed by Kim Yoonkyung(金潤卿) in Muo year, the 9th year of Cheoljong(1858) according to Donghoseungram and the completed version of Jeungboyimyoungji(增補臨瀛誌). Also, Baegundongdongcheon(白雲亭洞天), the text engraved on the standing stone across the stream from Yousang-Dae stone, was created 3 years after the Baegunjeong construction in the 12th year of Cheoljong(1861), which refers a symbolic sign closely related with Yousang-Dae. Based on this premise and circumstance, with careful studying the remains of 'Yusang-dae' Goksuro, we discovered that the Sebun-seok(細分石) controling the amount and the speed of moving water and the remains of furrows of Keumbae-soek(擒盃石) and Yubae-gong(留盃孔) containing water stream with cups through the mountain stream and rocks around Yusang-Dae. In addition, as 21 people's names engraved under the statement of 'Oh-Seong(午星)' were discovered on the bottom of the rock, this clearly confirms that the place was one of the main cultural footholds of tasting the arts which have characteristics of Yu-Sang-Gok-Su-Yeon(流觴曲水宴) until the middle of the 20th century. It implies that the arts tasting culture of Sunbees had been inherited centering on Yusang-dae in this particular place until the middle of the 20th century. It is necessary to be studied in depth because the place is a historic and unique cultural place where 'Confucianism, Buddhism, and Zen'were combined together. Based on the result of the study, the identification of 23 people as well as the writer of Yusang-Dae text should be carefully studied in depth in terms of the characteristics of the place through gathering data about appreciation of arts like Yusanggoksu. Likewise, we should make efforts to discover the chess board engraved on the rock described on the documents, thus we should consider to establish plans to recover the original shape of the place, for example, breaking the cement pavement of the road, additional excavation, changing the existing route, and so fourth.

Effects of climate change on biodiversity and measures for them (생물다양성에 대한 기후변화의 영향과 그 대책)

  • An, Ji Hong;Lim, Chi Hong;Jung, Song Hie;Kim, A Reum;Lee, Chang Seok
    • Journal of Wetlands Research
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.474-480
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    • 2016
  • In this study, formation background of biodiversity and its changes in the process of geologic history, and effects of climate change on biodiversity and human were discussed and the alternatives to reduce the effects of climate change were suggested. Biodiversity is 'the variety of life' and refers collectively to variation at all levels of biological organization. That is, biodiversity encompasses the genes, species and ecosystems and their interactions. It provides the basis for ecosystems and the services on which all people fundamentally depend. Nevertheless, today, biodiversity is increasingly threatened, usually as the result of human activity. Diverse organisms on earth, which are estimated as 10 to 30 million species, are the result of adaptation and evolution to various environments through long history of four billion years since the birth of life. Countlessly many organisms composing biodiversity have specific characteristics, respectively and are interrelated with each other through diverse relationship. Environment of the earth, on which we live, has also created for long years through extensive relationship and interaction of those organisms. We mankind also live through interrelationship with the other organisms as an organism. The man cannot lives without the other organisms around him. Even though so, human beings accelerate mean extinction rate about 1,000 times compared with that of the past for recent several years. We have to conserve biodiversity for plentiful life of our future generation and are responsible for sustainable use of biodiversity. Korea has achieved faster economic growth than any other countries in the world. On the other hand, Korea had hold originally rich biodiversity as it is not only a peninsula country stretched lengthily from north to south but also three sides are surrounded by sea. But they disappeared increasingly in the process of fast economic growth. Korean people have created specific Korean culture by coexistence with nature through a long history of agriculture, forestry, and fishery. But in recent years, the relationship between Korean and nature became far in the processes of introduction of western culture and development of science and technology and specific natural feature born from harmonious combination between nature and culture disappears more and more. Population of Korea is expected to be reduced as contrasted with world population growing continuously. At this time, we need to restore biodiversity damaged in the processes of rapid population growth and economic development in concert with recovery of natural ecosystem due to population decrease. There were grand extinction events of five times since the birth of life on the earth. Modern extinction is very rapid and human activity is major causal factor. In these respects, it is distinguished from the past one. Climate change is real. Biodiversity is very vulnerable to climate change. If organisms did not find a survival method such as 'adaptation through evolution', 'movement to the other place where they can exist', and so on in the changed environment, they would extinct. In this respect, if climate change is continued, biodiversity should be damaged greatly. Furthermore, climate change would also influence on human life and socio-economic environment through change of biodiversity. Therefore, we need to grasp the effects that climate change influences on biodiversity more actively and further to prepare the alternatives to reduce the damage. Change of phenology, change of distribution range including vegetation shift, disharmony of interaction among organisms, reduction of reproduction and growth rates due to odd food chain, degradation of coral reef, and so on are emerged as the effects of climate change on biodiversity. Expansion of infectious disease, reduction of food production, change of cultivation range of crops, change of fishing ground and time, and so on appear as the effects on human. To solve climate change problem, first of all, we need to mitigate climate change by reducing discharge of warming gases. But even though we now stop discharge of warming gases, climate change is expected to be continued for the time being. In this respect, preparing adaptive strategy of climate change can be more realistic. Continuous monitoring to observe the effects of climate change on biodiversity and establishment of monitoring system have to be preceded over all others. Insurance of diverse ecological spaces where biodiversity can establish, assisted migration, and establishment of horizontal network from south to north and vertical one from lowland to upland ecological networks could be recommended as the alternatives to aid adaptation of biodiversity to the changing climate.

Introduced Plant Pathogenes and Plant Quarantine in Korea (침입병원균(侵入病原菌)과 식물검역(植物檢疫))

  • Park, Jong-Seong
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.121-134
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    • 1976
  • There are many evidences that vaiious plant pathogenes were introduced with imported plants and agricultural productsrfrom foreign countries and caused heavy losses of domestic economic plants, ever since the early twentieth century when our country began to trade plants and agricultural products with foreign countries. There are many ways that foreign plant pathogenes have been introduced into our country, but the main route is considered to be imported plants and agricultural products contaminated with plant pathogenes. Plant quarantine which prevent effectively introduction of plant pathogenes from abroad was practiced for the first time in our country in 1912, and that is relatively earlier activity in the history of plant quarantine of the world. Several plant pathogenes have been introduced into our country even after plant quarantine had been practiced. Particularly for about 15 years, from the 2nd World War to 1961 when the law of Plant Protection was enacted and practical works of plant quarantine was reoperated, Korean agriculture was opened to various foreign plant pathogenes as a lapse period of plant quarantine in our country. Introduced plant pathogenes are, for the most part, from Japan because of depending upon Japan in the foreign trade of plants and agricultural products of our country. As present plant quarantine is required more exactness and rapidness, reasonable organization of quarantine system including more trained quarantine specialists, modernized facilities and introduction of improved quarantine techniques are necessary. Reasonable organization and improvement of plant quarantine system are important not only for protection of korean agriculture to plant pathogenes possible to be introduced from foreing countries, but also for increasing and stabilization of export of plants and agricultural product of our country.

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Jingfang's yaobian theory seen from Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on the Book of Change. (다산역의 관점에서 본 경방의 효변설)

  • Bang, In
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.131
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    • pp.199-222
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    • 2014
  • This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.