• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.75-82
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• 1991

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.279-304
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• 2008

This paper draws out the contents related to "Yuk(易)" Silhak(實學), and discusses the tendency in order to review the ideas shown in Wandang's Seodok(書牘). Also, it studies Taoism expressed in Seodok in terms of figuring out Wandang's Taoism. The features of his thoughts are following. The first one is the use of "Yuk(易)" for Soogichiin(修己治人). What he considered most important was Eumsiknamnyu(飮食男女) linked directly to the people's life. He maintained that a country must be ruled by doing Soogi(修己) with "Yuk(易)" and by making use of "Yuk(易)". The next one is both a view of Gyungsechiyong(經世致用) of Dongseoboolboon(東西不分) and a natural view of Iyonghooseng(利用厚生), standing on Silsagusi(實事求是). He actively accepted new learning and concepts those days, and he asserted that Western techniques should be even imitated for the sake of the nation. Thirdly, his view of Moowi(無爲) and Boolun(不言). He didn't use to do any Jakwi(作爲) of Jeosool(著述). This kind of view seems to save his life and be connected to Yangshin(養身) even though others tried to keep a jealous eye on and entrap him. Last, his concept of Jayeonsooneung(自然順應) and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). It is shown through his wish of farm work and his politics, saying that a king ought not to bind the people with faithfulness and propriety, and that he ought to rule the nation with humanity. In sum, Wandang's ideas shown in Seodok can be divided into two streams. One is Boshin(保身) through Moowijayeon(無爲自然), Boolun(不言), and Jayeonhoigui(自然回歸). The other is a pursuit of his studies for the purpose of Dukchi(德治) followed by Soogichiin, Kyongsechiyong, Iyonghooseng, and Injung. Here, since Boshin can be said to be advanced Soogi, and Soogichiin and others are connected directly to people's comfortable life, they can be integrated to Soogiianbaeksung(修己以安百姓). In other words, his thoughts were based on the fusion of Confucianism and Taoism, and he aimed at Soogiianbaeksung by accepting and using to take a look at the change of period and learning.

• 중국학논총
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• no.61
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• pp.365-381
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• 2019

羅近溪由《易傳》之易道來說明天道, 如同程明道說 "其體則謂之易" 此句是就易之窮神知化以明天道之體. 易本身就代表天道, 卽形上之道體本身, 卽是乾, 卽是太極. 羅近溪熙歡以乾坤來形容天道卽易. 羅近溪所言之天道, 卽爲一團生生之機. 則天卽爲我, 我卽爲天, 人亦同己, 己亦同人, 隨時而變通, 旣廣且遠, 無方無所, 爲道德自我求得一眞實而無礙的本源. 因羅近溪認爲天道觀可由道德修養之路向人心本體深化, 而且《中庸》亦云"道不遠人, 人之爲道而遠人, 不可以爲道". 故羅近溪更重視道在下貫至形下世界萬事萬物, 尤其是人時, 它們是如何會通? 如何來體現天道的道德創生與價値? 卽他竭力把道德上的當然之律落實於實然存在, 使人與天道作一更合理的通貫.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.51-76
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• 2022

Objectives : To provide foundation for research on local medical examination of the Ming period, the contents on 'He who does not know Yi(易) cannot speak of medicine' in the Yixuetongzong(醫學統宗) written by He Jian was analyzed. Methods : Proofreading of the original texts, followed by interpretation of words and phrase and translation into Korean were done. The resulting contents were then analyzed from the perspective of the theory of Medical Yi(Yi-Yi). Results : In this medical exam paper for physicians, He answers himself on topics such as the Four Symbols[四象], Eight Symbols[八象], the Sixty-four hexagrams[Liushisigua], the combinations of the Organs and Bowels[Zangfu], Nine Orifices[Jiuqiao], and Five Body Parts[Wuti], the origin of the pulse, the reasoning behind calling the pulse 'the station for blood[xuezhifu]', what the 'Tianzhen Weihezhi Qi' stands for and the meaning of the Twelve Organs[shierguan]. He also supports the perspective of the 'Medicine and Yi having the same roots[Yi-yi tongyuan]', arguing that due to this, the body's physiology could be explained through the theories of Yi[易]. This shows that He understood the Yi-yi theory as a larger category. Conclusions :He's medical exam paper reflects his uniqueness in the field of the Yi-yi theory that precedes that of Zhao Xianke.

• 중국학논총
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• no.55
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• pp.51-66
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• 2017

颐斋在『颐斋乱藁』中记录了自己对周易进行学习的内容.他从1760年(庚辰)32岁开始正式在白羊寺的众多庵堂里进行研读, 历经３年, 于1763年(癸未)7月23日离开白羊寺.之后, 他与金时粲, 徐命膺, 沈定镇, 韩晚裕, 李得显等人一起对周易进行了讨论, 并将自己的见解记录下来.他留下的注释书有 『皇极经世书解』 『朱子明筮赞解』, 『阳九阴六用数图』, 『经世天地始终之数图』, 『经世四象体用之数图』, 『易学啓蒙解』 等. 还有 『读易学啓蒙』, 『论易吟』, 『大易吟』 等３首与周易相关的诗.本论文则通过这３首诗对颐斋的周易特色进行阐明, 其特色大致可以概括为受容, 继承并发展了朱熹的主张.但他对周易的理解, 就像他所说的'通过象和数可以进行更好地理解'那样, 与义理相比, 他更关心象数, 实际上关于象数的注释和讨论也更多.因此, 虽说周易从象数易和义理学方面发展为图书易和儒家易, 并由朱熹完成了象数易和义理易的大统一, 但颐斋可以说则是一位以义理易和儒家易为基础, 十分看重象数易的易学者.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.95-106
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• 2017

In this paper, we investigate the conventional topological interference management (TIM) with proposed network topology such as 8 trigram (8 user networks). The key observation is that optimal symmetric degree of freedom (DoF) can be achieved for 8 user network with different channel coherence times by adaptively selecting the interference alignment scheme via controlling the alignment feasibility of the transmitted signals. However, this yields a very complex problem, for which we use the combination of different schemes such as interference avoidance and repetition coding. In addition to the above schemes, we propose a triangular transmit cooperation (TTC) algorithm for 8 user networks to achieve the optimal symmetric DoF. And We apply the principle of complementarity of 8 trigram to remove the interferences, and correspond the concepts of win-win and conflict to direct and indirect signals of transmit and receive respectively. We find that the principle of complementarity comes out from the trigram of I Ching. That is, we apply the relation of confrontation and coexistence to 8 transmitters and receivers, and get the results of symmetric DoF of 4/3.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.7-32
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• 2011

Cheng Yi(程?, 1033~1107) understood that nature is full of "changes(易)". And he noted that human being as part of nature also exists only in a series of changes, i.e. birth, growth, extinction and death. All things including human being arise from the same principle, or "Heavenly Principle." Hence human being can fundamentally be one with all other beings, or nature. It is called "Unity of all things(萬物一體)" and "Unity of heaven and human(天人合一)." This philosophical perspective cannot be regarded as being unique to Cheng only; neo-Confucian predecessors called "the five masters of the Northern Song(北宋五子)" anticipated Cheng's vision already. Nevertheless, Cheng elaborated on the shared vision, revealing his philosophical uniqueness. Cheng maintains that only human being receives the principle in the unstained form, and thereby is capable of being one with nature. The one who realizes her/his potential to be one with nature is a sage(聖人); for Cheng, the order and pattern found in nature is nothing other than moral principle that human beings have to live up to and vice versa. Cheng's idea on the principle which human being receives from Heaven no doubt relates to Mencian notion of the innate goodness of human nature(性善); the innate goodness of human nature is no other than Heavenly Principle, and to become a sage depends on whether one can realize her/his potential - human nature, i.e. Heavenly Principle in her/himself. For Cheng, human nature tantamount to Heavenly Principle has no evil quality; all the evil in the world comes from imperfect "physical endowment(氣質)," or "capacity(才)" which is various from person to person, making various personalities. Accordingly, the task of moral cultivation in Cheng's theory can translate into the matter of rectification of one's physical endowment.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.31-56
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• 2008

Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.199-237
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• 2024

Donghak-gyo, the Teaching of Eastern Learning, is a new religious order founded by Kim Ju-hee, centered around the Donghak (Eastern Learning) lineage. The core thought conveyed in the lyrics of Donghak-gyo songs (gasa) can be identified as the concept of 'Return to the Former World (先天),' considering the frequency of the term and the content of the recited verses. The view of time and destiny (時運觀) held by Eastern Learning emphasizes the concept of 'Another Great Opening.' Donghak-gyo's perspective on time and destiny is further rooted in the concept of 'Return to the Former World.' Donghak-gyo particularly emphasizes the term 'Former World,' and incorporates the Study of Changes (易學) into their songs. They recite verses that depict the situation of the Great Opening as an interaction between yin and yang. In Donghak-gyo, it is emphatically asserted that the completion of the Later World's destiny leads to the achievement of the 'Return to the Former World.' It is sung that with the restoration of destiny associated with the 'Return to the Former World,' the symbolic 'Spring (春)' represented by the virtue of Wood (木德) will return. Donghak-gyo describes the unfolding of a new cycle of destiny (運數) as the 'restoration of Changes (易).' When this occurs, they refer to the emerging new world, characterized by a new order and norms, as the 'Return to the Former World,' asserting that a 'moral world' will be established, leading to the development of a moral civilization. It is also sung that the restoration of the destiny associated with the Return to the Former World is akin to the restoration of the Heavenly Dao (天道). The characteristics of the concept of the Return to the Former World are threefold: firstly, it advocates a nostalgic system; secondly, it is a backward-looking thought; and thirdly, the idea of 'cyclical repetition' encourages tangible actions such as 'returning to the origin' or 'restoring fundamentals.' The concept of Return to the Former World in Donghak-gyo, unlike many new religions of those days, provided a unique conceptualization and understanding of the Former World and presented a new framework for interpretation. It moved away from the notion of discarding the Former World as a relic of an outdated era, and instead interpreted it as a new era to be embraced. Therefore, the concept of 'Return to the Former World' in Donghak-gyo should be re-assessed as one of the ideologies that inherits the pursuit of returning to and restoring the past in Eastern traditions. However, it can be criticized for lacking a concrete methodology with regards to the 'Return to the Former World.' Additionally, it is noted for deficiencies in ethical consciousness and moral virtues. Furthermore, its explanation about the Former World come across as insufficient. Thus, the concept of the 'Return to the Former World' in Donghak-gyo seems to be characterized more by declarative slogans than substantive content.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.1-22
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• 2014

Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.