• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.327-363
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• 2018

Bhutan's mask dance drama, Cham is performed in the festival of Tshechu. Originating from the 17th century, Tschechu is a religious ritual as well as a traditional festival held to commemorate the birth of Padmasambhava, who spread Buddhism in the kingdom of Bhutan. Bhutanese Cham and Tibetan Cham share similar traits in their content of , , and in their characters of Pawo and Pamo. Meanwhile, , , , , , , , are distinctive performances of Bhutanese cham. Moreover, the clown character Atsara in Bhutanese cham is a character that does not appear in the Tibetan Cham. Atsara, a humorous character, can be identified by its use of a long phallus ornament on the head or by a distorted face mask with a phallus in its hand. Bhutanese Cham, originally from Tibet, is a religious mask dance drama handed down in Lamaism temples. In later generations, new performances reflective of Bhutan's history, myth, legends, and religion were added in large amount. Thus, the Cham of Bhutan now has very independent and characteristic aspects.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.321-352
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• 2020

Donghaean Byeolsingut itself reflects the ideals and dreams of seaside life. Imagination and interest in water are fully reflected in Donghaean Byeolsingut as a living in a seaside town. For the beach people, water is the foundation of life and the object of fear. It is the water of life and the water of death. It projects the whole process of life into the imagination created by the world encompassed by the sea. The beach's imagination is an existential insight into the whole process of life and a reflection of existential agony. At Poongeoje, the villagers hope for a specific blessing from God. People are free only when God's retribution comes down. The villagers feel free because of the virtue of the shaman's blessing. Individual trauma is experienced to a certain extent by gaining mental freedom. It can be said that the state of aesthetic pleasure experienced by creating an art work by itself and the nature of aesthetic pleasure experienced through Pungeoje and Byeolsingut are not different. The prototype of Poongeoje is a free spirit, and a religious aesthetic to strengthen the free spirit is the core of the aesthetic.

• 한국노년학
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.589-612
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• 2019

Korea has undergone rapid modernization and globalization process in the last few decades. The purpose of this study is to explore how shifting traditional values are impacting Korean elderlies and their perceptions of aging experience. In order to understand how changing social and cultural practices are affecting older adults, the similarities and differences among Korean elderlies living in three different geographical locations are examined in a multidimensional comparative framework. Life story interviews were conducted with 30 Korean elderlies (10 urban residents in Korea, 10 rural residents in Korea, and 10 residents in the US). Paying attention to within-group variation, this study particularly focused on analyzing the psychological, social, emotional, and spiritual experiences that made lives meaningful and resilient in old age in spite of physical decline. Based on analysis of narrative, the following major areas were identified as having positive or negative influence on aging experiences: physical health, emotional health, family relationship, work, leisure/social activity, and spirituality. Common themes of aging well across all settings included: "life not indebted to their offspring," "physical and mental health," and "dying well." Spirituality played a critical role in cultivating perspectives on life and accepting aging process, which were rooted in specific religious traditions participants identified (e.g., Christianity or Buddhism). Interesting differences in the meaning of work and leisure were also found between elderlies residing in Korea and the US immigrant context. One unique factor continuing to negatively affect Korean elderly in rural community was related to shame of not obtaining higher education. Implications for future research are also addressed.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.33
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• pp.91-145
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• 2019

This study aims to reveal that Daesoon Jinrihoe Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex is a sacred place of Gaebyeokgongsa (the Reordering Works of the Great Opening) through the logic of the energy of form in Feng-Shui studies. The Headquarters Temple Complex can illuminate the lamp of coexistence, emerge as a place for cultivation, and support the era of human nobility with Gucheonsangje (the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven) as an object of faith. Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang, Harmonious Union between Divine Beings and Human Beings, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, and Perfected Unification with Dao are the mission statements of this great site. For this purpose, it is necessary to investigate the headquarters according to integral Feng-Shui Theory. Doing so can provide proof that the geographic location, landscape, yin-yang harmonizing, and flowing veins of terrestrial energy at Headquarters Temple Complex are all profoundly auspicious. At the same time, this data also allows further study into the interactions of dragon-veins, energy hubs, surrounding mountains, and watercourses, which reveal how Daesoon Jinrihoe Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex promotes the basic works of propagation, edification, and cultivation and three societal works of charity aid, social welfare, and education for the purpose of global propagation, saving beings, and building an earthly paradise by reforming humanity and engaging in spiritual civilization. This must be done on site with proper Feng-Shui in order to open up the era of human nobility upon the Great Opening of the Later World. As the center of the religious order, Daesoon Jinrihoe, Yeoju Headquarter Temple Complex has the general Feng-Shui characteristic of Baesanimsu (a back supported by a mountain and a front facing water). Through discussing the Feng-Shui of Daesoon Jinrihoe's Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex as the center of humankind's resolution of grievances for mutual beneficence, this study would explore growth-supporting land that delivers future rewards through Feng-Shui symbolism and the ethical practice of grateful reciprocation of favors for mutual beneficence. This exploration will reveal how the geographical features and conditions of the Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex make it a place fit for spiritual cultivation. It is a miraculous luminous court surrounded by mountains, where auspicious signs in eight directions gather. Its veins of terrestrial energy harmonize with clean water energy as it is affectionately situated within its natural environment. Its location corresponds with the Feng-Shui theory of dragon-veins, energy hubs, surrounding mountains, and watercourses. Thus, with regards to the Feng-Shui of Daesoon Jinrihoe's Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex, this study examines the flows of mountains and waters and focuses on how the site is based on the logic of Feng-Shui. More generally, the geographical features of the surrounding mountains are likewise examined. An analysis of the relationship between Poguk (布局) of Sasinsa (animal symbols of the four directions, four gods, including blue dragon of the east, red phoenix of the south, white tiger of the west, and black tortoise of the north) and the location will be provided while focusing on the Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex. This study supports the feasibility of further Feng-Shui studies of the Yeoju Headquarters Temple Complex based on traditional geomancy books that focusing on Hyeonggi (Energy of Form) Theory.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.1 no.3
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• pp.183-196
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• 1986

This study was designed to be link in the chain of the investigation on daily life and consciousness of longevous people in Korea, and to investigate the social life and daily life habit in the past of longevous people. The social life and daily life habit were surveyed on 379 subjects (male 121, female 258) of the aged who were above 80 years of age, from June to November in 1985. 1. 'Generally regular' in the rising time and bedtime between 40 and 60 years of longevous people had the highest figures of 81.8% and 63.1%, respectively. The longevous peoples of 59.4% got up by before 6 a.m., and 61.3% of these aged went to bed from 9 to 11 p.m. But there was no significant difference between male and female. 2. Of the occupation engaged in the longest term of longevous people, the self-management (86.3%) included farming, fishing and household affairs was the highest, whereas administrative position, small-scale management and white-collar worker were only 0.8%, 0.8% and 1.8%, respectively. Therefore, their work involved mainly physical labor (heavy 48.5%, light 47.2%), and mental work was only 2.8% of longevous people. It is believed that this fact was deeply related to the educational degree of them. 3. The longevous people of 58.3% retired from the occupation and household affairs abover 70 years of age, and especially 24.3% of them is including the aged above 80 years of age. 4. The longevous people of 57.2% were shared the role in the home after retirement from the occupation and household affairs, whereas 35.9% of them didn't share. Of the way in killing time in case having no role in the home, 'at home'(50.0%) was the highest, and decreased in the order of 'old people's home' (30.9%), 'ill in bed' (10.3%) and 'asylum for the aged' (8.8%). 5. The acquaintance frequency before retirement from the occupation and household affairs of longevous people showed in the order of 'wide' (38.5%), 'common' (38.0%) and 'narrow' (19.0%), and 56.5% of them had the acquaintance after retirement. 6. Only the longevous people of 38.5% had the hobby and recreation activities of 'more than once' after retirement from the occupation and household affairs, but 53.0% of them was none. Of the kinds of hobby and/or recreation, 'TV-watching' (79.2%) was the highest, and decreased in the order of 'talking with grandchild' (54.2 %), 'working at home' (35.4%), 'religion' (25.0%) and 'chess etc.' (18.1%).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.513-557
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• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.