• Title/Summary/Keyword: 신분상승

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The Violence of Neoliberalism Represented in the Works of Eduardo Galeano (에두아르도 갈레아노의 작품에 나타난 신자유주의의 폭력성)

  • Yoo, Wang-Moo
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.41
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    • pp.199-227
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    • 2015
  • In the twenty-first century, one of the most controversial issues concerns neoliberal policies and its results. In particular, since the mid-1980s, the United States and international financial institutions have imposed their programs on Latin American countries. The result is a deepening social inequality in Latin America that puts an emphasis on financial stability instead of social security. Consequently, social inequality is worsened and an imbalance in income distribution took place. Because of the flexibility of labor, the middle class is destroyed. For the poor person deprived of the opportunity to rise, violence is a common occurrence in daily life. Thus, in this context, Eduardo Galeano raises the necessity of a critique concerning the values that neoliberalism regards as important. Furthermore, Galeano is also wary of the "militarization of neoliberalism." This is because the neoliberal multinationals motivate a war without borders under the guise of peace. Neo-liberal policies also contribute to environmental pollution. However, environmental vandalism, which happens in partnership with large and international organizations, is not readily apparent to the public because those perpetrators wore a "green mask." Hence, Galeano assiduously endeavors to undercover the false consciousness hiding behind the green mask. Thus, in brief summary, Galeano represents in his works a depiction about Latin America where violence often happens in daily life.

Semiotic Approach to the Korean Wedding Ceremony : Myth of Romantic Love and Gender Role Ideology (결혼 의례의 기호학적 분석 : 낭만적 사랑의 신화와 성 역할 이데올로기)

  • Kim, Soo-Ah;Lee, So-Yeon
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.28
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    • pp.43-76
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    • 2005
  • This study focused on the wedding ceremony. It was considered as important social text containing cultural codes of Korean society related gender system. Using the concepts of 'Myths', introduced by Barthes, this study analysed every procedure of wedding ceremony prevailed contemporary Korea. Romantic Love, creation of the ideology system of Western bourgeois and peculiar Confucian ideas about gender structure in Korean patriarchy system are both important frames determined wedding culture in Korea society. Thus this study divided wedding ceremony into displaying sphere and non-displaying sphere. Then, displaying sphere was framed by myth of romantic love, but non-displaying sphere was framed by traditional Confucian ideas. And, the transformation of contemporary wedding ceremony has the nature of kitsch, related the radical change of Korean class structure, also it worked as myth reveled up the unequality of present gender system.

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The Return Migration of Koreans in Central Asia to the Russian Far East (중앙아시아 고려인의 러시아 극동 지역 귀환 이주)

  • Lee, Chai-Mun;Park, Kyu-Taeg
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.9 no.4
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    • pp.559-575
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    • 2003
  • The purpose of this study is to systematically explain and discuss the return migration of Koreans in Central Asia to the Russian Far East. The Koreans' return migration is explained by the combination of push and pull factors inherent in the host and home countries. The structural or institutional push factors in Central Asia include the linguistic policy of a country, civil war, ethnic conflicts, while the micro ones are the Koreans' high concern of their children's education and the improvement of a socio-economic status. The macro pull factors operated in the Russian Far East are the permission to use the housing facilities and land previously controlled by military authorities and the laws of recovering the koreans' basic right and honor, while the micro ones are the networks of relatives and friends living in Central Asia and the Russian Far East. The two aspects related to the Koreans' return migration are also discussed. Firstly, the return migration of Koreans in Central Asia is interpreted as a migration of ethnic affinity. Secondly, the establishment of an autonomous district of Koreans in the Russian Far East is discussed.

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A Study on the Historical Transformation of Guanyu' Deification from Political Perspective (정치적 관점에서 본 관우(關羽) 신격화(神格化)의 역사적(歷史的) 변모 양상 고찰)

  • Bae, Kuy-Beom;Min, Kwan-Dong
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.42
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    • pp.313-342
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    • 2016
  • This paper is an attempt to look up the life of Guanyu who was a sainted warrior of Shu Han(蜀漢) and later, was revered as God, especially focusing on the Political perspective of Chinese Dynasty. People represented Guanyu as the general during the Wei Jin Southern and Northern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝), however, throughout the Su-Dang Dynasty(隋唐), Guanyu was Honored in the Wuchengwangmiao(武成王廟) then, was promoted from Hou(侯) to Gong(公), Gong(公) to King(王) in the Song-Yuan Dynasty(宋元). In the Ming-Qing Dynasty(明 淸) when the deification of Guanyu was proceeded most positively, he became a Di(帝) over a King and was endowed with the power over the Three Worlds(三界). He had an influence on nobility as well as the people in Folkbelief over Moral Spirits, and consequently rose through the ranks to become the spiritual guardian. The rulers gave him various names(封號) celebrating the life and work of Guanyu, In fact, they showed interests in the Belief of Guanyu as they attempted to establish an ideological base for the solution of the national disaster and maintenance of feudal system which came to the fore along with the reinforcement for emperor's power.

Official Foreign Language Schools in Korea, 1894-1906 (관제기(1894-1906) 관립 외국어학교 연구)

  • Hahn, Yong Jin
    • (The)Korea Educational Review
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    • v.23 no.1
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    • pp.57-81
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to summarise the educational meanings of Official Foreign Language Schools(hereafter, OFLS) in Korea, 1895-1906. Especially, I try to find out the foreign language policy of the Joseon Dynasty and the comparative superiority between six foreign language schools - Japanese School, English School, French School, Russian School, Chinese School, and German School - through the traits of teachers and the change of students numbers at the Regulation Period. As a part of Kabo Reforms, the government had abolished the of Civil Service Examination System and status system, and foreign languages worked as a cultural capital to acquire modern civilization and to escalate one's social status. The results were as follows: Firstly, the OFLS have to be regarded as one of the highest educational institute during the Regulation Period. The eligibility of the OFLS was over 15 years old, but most of the incoming students were over 20 years old. Secondly, many of the OFLS's teachers were specialists of military, diplomat and mechanics. Especially, Martel, the teacher of French school played an important role for the neutral diplomacy policy of the Great Korean(Dae-Han) Empire during the Regulation Period. Thirdly, the recruit of new members of the OFLS was affected by the political and social circumstances at that time. Fourthly, the statistics of incoming students during the Regulation Period was concentrated on Chinese school, French school, and English school in due order. Thus, it differed from the commonly accepted ideas of students' statistics which was concentrated on English School and Japanese School. Fifthly, the OFLS were not only for the training of official interpreters(譯官通事), but also the cultivation of civil servants who could become statesman.

Studies on the Hemodynamic Changes in Cirrhosis of the Liver (간경변증(肝硬變症)에서의 혈역학적(血力學的) 변화(變化)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Kim, Jung-Il;Lee, Jung-Sang;Koh, Chang-Soon
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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    • v.4 no.2
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    • pp.11-27
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    • 1970
  • Cardiac output, plasma volume and renal plasma flow were determined to evaluate hemodynamic changes in 29 patients with cirrhosis of the liver. The results obtained were as follows. 1. The mean plasma volume was 3793+895ml and it was significantly higher than the normal controls. The mean blood volume ($5266{\pm}1222ml$) and blood volume per kg body weight ($95.7{\pm}23.41ml$) were also increased significantly. The mean plasma volume per kg body weight ($69.1{\pm}19.1ml$) showed increased tendency and the mean difference between blood volume and plasma volume per kg body weight ($26.4{\pm}7.05ml$) was in lower limit of normal range. 2. The mean cardiac output was $7708{\pm}2652ml/min$ and it was significantly increased. The mean cardiac index ($4924{\pm}1998ml/min/M^2$), stroke volume ($96.2{\pm}34.2ml/beat$), stroke index ($62.3{\pm}27.34ml/M^2$) and fractional cardiac index ($1.54{\pm}0.577$) were also increased significantly. The mean total -peripheral resistance was $1664{\pm}753.8\;dynes\;sec\;cm^{-5}M^2$ and it was significantly lower than the normal controls. 3. The mean renal plasma flow was $537{\pm}146.8ml/min/1.73M^2$ and it was normal to decreased tendency. The mean endogenous creatinine clearance ($66.7{\pm}23.0ml/min/1.73M^2$) was significantly decreased. Filtration fraction was variable, but it was slightly lower than normal in most cases. The mean renal fraction of cardiac output ($11.4{\pm}6.27%$) was relatively decreased. 4. Although renal plasma flow was normal or decreased in general, it was definitely diminished in patients with creatinine clearance less than $60ml/min/1.73M^2$, resistant ascites, and signs of azotemia (elevated BUN and serum creatinine). 5. Diminished glomrular filtration rate with low filtration fraction and decreased renal fraction of cardiac output observed strongly supported increased renal afferent arteriolar resistance. 6. Renal circulatory impairment preceded azotemia or oroliguria in cirrhosis. 7. Clinical findigns and liver function were not correlated with hemodynamic changes, except for esophageal varices associated with high cardiac output obsedved. 8. No definite correlation of renal hemodynamics with plasma volume or cardiac output was found.

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Some Instances of Manchurian Naturalization and Settlement in Choson Dynasty (향화인의 조선 정착 사례 연구 - 여진 향화인을 중심으로 -)

  • Won, Chang-Ae
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.33-61
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    • 2009
  • In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of north­eastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to North­Western people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.