• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.51-66
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• 2004

Objectives : The matrix metalloproteinases (MMPs) that participate in the extracellular matrix metabolism play a important role in the progression of pulmonary fibrosis. The effects of the MMPs are regulated by several factors including Th-1 cytokines, $interferon-{\gamma}$ ($IFN-{\gamma}$). Up to now, $IFN-{\gamma}$ is known to inhibit pulmonary fibrosis, but little is known regarding the exact effect of $IFN-{\gamma}$ on the regulation of the MMPs. This study investigated the effects of $interferon-{\gamma}$ on the pulmonary fibrosis and the expression of the lung MMP-2,-9, TIMP-1,-2, and Th-2 cytokines in aa rat model of bleomycin induced pulmonary fibrosis. Materials and methods : Male, specific pathogen-free Sprague-Dawley rats were subjected to an intratracheal bleomycin instillation. The rats were randomized to a saline control, a bleomycin treated, and a bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ treated group. The bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ treated group was subjected to an intramuscular injection of $IFN-{\gamma}$ for 14 days. At 3, 7, 14, and 28 days after the bleomycin instillation, the rats were sacrificed and the lungs were harvested. In order to evaluate the effects of the $IFN-{\gamma}$ on lung fibrosis and inflammation, the lung hydroxyproline content, inflammation and fibrosis score were measured. Western blotting, zymography and reverse zymography were performed at 3, 7, 14, 28 days after bleomycin instillation in order to evaluate the MMP-2,-9, and TIMP-1,-2 expression level. ELISA was performed to determine the IL-4 and IL-13 level in a lung homogenate. Results : 1. 7 days after bleomycin instillation, inflammatory changes were more severe in the bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group than the bleomycin group (bleomycin group : bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group=$2.08{\pm}0.15:2.74{\pm}0.29$, P<0.05), but 28 days after bleomycin instillation, lung fibrosis was significantly reduced as a result of the $IFN-{\gamma}$ treatment (bleomycin group : bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group=$3.94{\pm}0.43:2.64{\pm}0.13$, P<0.05). 2. 28 days after bleomycin instillation, the lung hydroxyproline content was significantly reduced as a result of $IFN-{\gamma}$ treatment (bleomycin group : bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group=$294.04{\pm}31.73{\mu}g/g:194.92{\pm}15.51{\mu}g/g$, P<0.05). 3. Western blotting showed that the MMP-2 level was increased as a result of the bleomycin instillation and highest in the 14 days after bleomycin instillation. 4. In zymography, the active forms of MMP-2 were significantly increased as a result of the $IFN-{\gamma}$ treatment 3 days after the bleomycin instillation, bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group (bleomycin group : bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group=$209.63{\pm}7.60%:407.66{\pm}85.34%$, P<0.05), but 14 days after the bleomycin instillation, the active forms of MMP-2 were significantly reduced as a result of the $IFN-{\gamma}$ treatment (bleomycin group : bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ group=$159.36{\pm}20.93%:97.23{\pm}12.50%$, P<0.05). 5. The IL-4 levels were lower in the bleomycin and bleomycin+$IFN-{\gamma}$ groups but this was not significant, and the IL-13 levels showed no difference between the experiment groups. Conclusion : The author found that lung inflammation was increased in the early period but the pulmonary fibrosis was inhibited in the late stage as a result of $IFN-{\gamma}$. The inhibition of pulmonary fibrosis by $IFN-{\gamma}$ appeared to be associated with the inhibition of MMP-2 activation by $IFN-{\gamma}$. Further studies on the mechanism of the regulation of MMP-2 activation and the effects of MMP-2 activation on pulmonary fibrosis is warranted in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.694-708
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• 2009

The principal objective of this study was to determine the effects of smoking & drinking on the diet, nutrient intake, and overall health. A sample of 262 youths, aged 16 to 18 year-old, was randomly selected from Seoul and its vicinity. The subjects participated by answering survey questions including general questions, questions regarding health, smoking & drinking habits, dietary habits, nutrient intake, physical characteristics, and smoking cessation plans. The average height, weight, and BMI of the subjects were $173.5{\pm}6.8\;cm$, $64.8{\pm}11.8\;kg$, and $21.4{\pm}3.7\;kg/m^2$, respectively. Among the subjects, 88% appeared to be interested in health and 43.5% of youth asserted that the best way to keep healthy was to engage in regular exercise. Among 63 smokers, 52 students (82.5%) used alcoholic beverages while 11 students (17.5%) did not use alcoholic beverages, meaning that smoking was a causative factor in drinking. 55.6% of youth reported beginning to smoke in middle school, and 38.1% of them asserted that curiosity was the motive for smoking. The youth reported that the craving for smoking was highest when hungry, and the best place to smoke was the restroom. 20 students (69.0%) answered that the only way to quit smoking was just to stop. 12 students (44.4%) reported that the main reason for failures in smoking cessation attempts was a lack of intention or willpower. 87.1% of all subjects answered that they were inclined to quit smoking, and 56.7% of them would be interested in attending a smoking cessation program if they had the opportunity. Among the smoking and drinking group, 50% of drinkers began to drink in high school, and the reason for drinking given was peer pressure-40% of drinkers answered that they wished to quit drinking. 34.4% of students appeared to have breakfast everyday, but 16.4% of students answered that they had quit eating breakfast. 52.5% of all students reported that the principal reason for overeating was the presence of one's favorite food, and the smoking and drinking group reported overeating more frequently than other groups (p<0.05). 72.6% of all subjects reported eating interim meals $1{\sim}2$ times daily, 36.4% of smokers ate carbonated beverages, 38.5% ate ice cream as a interim meal, and 38.5% of the drinking and smoking groups ate fruits, 26.9% of them ate fried foods, and some of them ate fast foods as a interim meal. Among smokers, the ratio of eating fat-rich foods, and meats such as kalbi and samgyupsal more than two times per week was higher, and 54.3% of smokers ate ice cream, cookies, and carbonated beverages more than two times per week (p<0.05). The total nutrient intake of the $15{\sim}19$-year youth group was much higher than the standard value. The energy intake of the smoking group and the drinking and smoking group was significantly higher than that of the normal group (p<0.05). Intakes of phosphorus (p<0.05), cholesterol (p<0.05), and sodium (p<0.05) were the highest among all groups. Accordingly, it is recommended that practical education programs be implemented to teach young students to resist peer pressures to smoke and drink. Additionally, education that acknowledges the importance of nutrition is necessary to avoid preferential eating and overeating due to smoking and drinking.such education can also teach students to eat a balanced diet and improve their physical development.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.117-124
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• 1975

Wet chemical analysis (for $MnO_2$, MnO, and $H_2O$(+)) and electron microprobe analysis (for $Fe_2O_3$ and PbO) give $MnO_2$ 74.91, MnO 11.33, $Fe_2O_3$ (total Fe) 4.19, PbO 0.03, $H_2O$ (+) 9.46, sum 99.92%. 'Available oxygen determined by oxalate titration method is allotted to $MnO_2$ from total Mn, and the remaining Mn is calculated as MnO. Traces of Ba, Ca, Mg, K, Cu, Zn, and Al were found. Li and Na were not found. The existence of (OH) is verified from the infrared absorption spectra. The analysis corresponds to the formula $Mn^{4+}{_{4.85}}(Mn^{2+}{_{0.90}}Fe^{3+}{_{0.30}})_{1.20}O_{8.09}(OH)_{5.91}$, on the basis of O=14, 'or ideally $Mn^{4+}{_{5-x}}(Mn^{2+},Fe^{3+})_{1+x}O_{8}(OH)_{6}$ ($x{\approx}0.2$). X-ray single crystal study could not be made because of the distortion of single crystals. But the x-ray powder pattern is satisfactorily indexed by an orthorhombic cell with a 9.324, b 14.05, c $7.956{\AA}$., Z=4. The indexed powder diffraction lines are 9.34(s) (100), 7.09(s) (020), 4.62(m) (200, 121), 4.17(m) (130), 3.547(s) (112), 3.212(vw) (041), 3.101(s) (300), 2.597(w) (013), 2.469(m) (331), 2.214(vw)(420), 2.098(vw) (260), 2.014 (vw) (402), 1.863(w) (500), 1.664(w) (314), 1.554(vw) (600), 1.525(m) (601), 1.405(m) (0.10.0). DTA curve shows the endothermic peaks at $250-370^{\circ}C$ and $955^{\circ}C$. The former is due to the dehydration: and oxidation forming$(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$(cubic, a $9.417{\AA}$), and the latter is interpreted as the formation of a hausmannite-type oxide (tetragonal, a 5.76, c $9.51{\AA}$) from $(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$. Infrared absorption spectral curve shows Mn-O stretching vibrations at $515cm^{-1}$ and $545cm^{-1}$, O-H bending vibration at $1025cm^{-1}$ and O-H stretching vibration at $3225cm^{-1}$. Opaque. Reflectance 13-15%. Bireflectance distinct in air and strong in oil. Reflection pleochroism changes from whitish to light grey. Between crossed nicols, color changes from yellowish brown with bluish tint to grey in air and yellowish brown to grey through bluish brown in oil. No internal reflections. Etching reactions: HCl(conc.) and $H_2SO_4+H_2O_2$-grey tarnish; $SnCl_2$(sat.)-dark color; $HNO_3$(conc.)-grey color; $H_2O_2$-tarnish with effervescence. It is black in color. Luster dull. Cleavage one direction perfect. Streak brownish black to dark brown. H. (Mohs) 2-3, very fragile. Specific gravity 3.59(obs.), 3.57(calc.). It occurs as radiating groups of flakes, flower-like aggregates, colloform bands, dendritic or arborescent masses composed of fine grains in the cementation zone of the supergene manganese oxide deposits of the Janggun mine, Bonghwa-gun, southeastern Korea. Associated minerals are calcite, nsutite, todorokite, and some undetermined manganese dioxide minerals. The name is for the mine, the first locality. The mineral and name were approved before publication by the Commission on New Minerals and Mineral Names, I.M.A.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.277-313
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• 2017

This study is to find out the correlation with buddhist music after analyzing the rhythm of six pieces of PanYeombul sung by Kim Janggil out of Ogu exorcism of East coast the findings summarized are as follows. First, PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, performed on Oct, 16, 2016, was composed of , , , , , , , , , , and . Still, even if PanYeombul is performed by the same male shaman, the composition can be added or left out depending on some circumstances, which means the procedures are flexible. Seeing that there is common component of in additoin to compared with Kimyongtaek, it can be said that the component of is an important part in PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast Second, is usually referred to 'SinmyojangguDaedalani' in buddhist ritual, While Kim yongtaek accepts this practice in title, Kim Janggil uses 'YeomhwajangguDaedalani' as the title which makes his song different from others. Yeomhwa means "picking up flowers with fingers" which has been used in buddhism, not in common Considering this fact, the conclusion can be reached that by using the term 'Daedalani' from a buddhist chant, but making differentiation from buddhism, Kim Janggil is making the effort to be different from buddhist rituals. give some unique meaning to shaman rituals. Third, PanYeombul of Ogu exorcism of East coast may be divided into two main parts - the former part is PanYeombul and the latter part is Jiokga. In performing PanYeombul, male shaman sits singing alone and playing Jing himself, on the other hand, in case of Jiokga, he stands singing a solo with gwaeggwari in his hand accompanied by other musicians with the rhythm of Samgongjaebi. As the song and the accompaniment are in the form of giving and taking like duet. it is in peak in terms of music. Accordingly, PanYeombul can be divided into PanYeombul and Jiokga, But since it is performed by one male shaman and sung a solo, it is usually seen as one procedure. Jing, which is a kind of accompaniment in PanYeombul by Kim Janggil, has the role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph. When the buddhist chant with one word-one note is performed. it requires the performer to catch his or her breath or clear throat. Just then, Jing comes out for filling out the intervals. Also, its role to distinguish a phrase and settle the musical paragraph helps make it clear to deliver words. The rhythm of Jing is mostly made up of small triple time except equal small binary time, comes out with overwhelmingly more frequency of Sutsoe(♪♩) than Amsoe(♩♪), and often shows syncopation. By often using Off Beat or short-long rhythm even in accompaniment of equal small binary time, he tris to give some variation to monotonous and equal rhythm for the musical vitality. These are similar to Sutsoe rhythm which can evoke tension and Kim Janggil makes these things his characierisiic of rhythm. Fifth, all the pieces consist of mi, sol, la, do, re and the descending melody like do'${\searrow}$la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi appears most frequently. The descending melody usually arouses the feeling of sorrow, so the sadness for the deceased is presented properly, which suggests his musical talent. Generally, pieces take on Menari-tori as a whole where the length of sol appears for a short time in descending la${\searrow}$sol${\searrow}$mi of perfect four degrees. Sixth, Even he accepts the lines of buddhist chant, he changes them in some degree. For example, he inserted some words between lines like 'Wonwangsaeng' and 'NamuAmitabul' and added Korean words like hapsosa to the lines of buddhist service written in Chinese character. Also, he inserted some words like 'iiiiiii~' to express the feeling of sadness. These are to maximize the desire of the deceased to go to the heaven and at the same time to diminish the sign of buddhism and strengthen the features of shamanism. Seventh, the effort to decrease the sign of buddhism is made in pasting lines of two songs. For example, Between the last words 'Wonsuaenapsu of Dage and the first words 'Jisimgwimyeongrye' of Chiljeongrye, there is usually a short pause to distinguish paragraphs, But he continues two songs without any pause to get rid of the feelings of buddhist chant. In terms of melody, he makes a distance from buddhist chant in an effort that he gives some traits to shaman rituals which are different from buddhist even if he uses the lines of buddhist rituals. Eighth, the analyzed pieces can be in four categories - no regular melody , , equal small binary time , eotmori melody of ten eighth time with 3+2+3+2 mixed small time . and Samgongjaebi melody 3+2+3 mixed small time . Each piece has its unique melody. Although of buddhist ritual is often performed, by using eotmori melody, he evokes the feeling of shaman and is another example of giving unique characteristic to the shaman of East coast by using Samgongjaebi melody.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• Korean Journal of Environmental Biology
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.119-135
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• 2021

Korea has stepped up efforts to investigate and catalog its flora and fauna to conserve the biodiversity of the Korean Peninsula and secure biological resources since the ratification of the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) in 1992 and the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits (ABS) in 2010. Thus, after its establishment in 2007, the National Institute of Biological Resources (NIBR) of the Ministry of Environment of Korea initiated a project called the Korean Indigenous Species Investigation Project to investigate indigenous species on the Korean Peninsula. For 15 years since its beginning in 2006, this project has been carried out in five phases, Phase 1 from 2006-2008, Phase 2 from 2009-2011, Phase 3 from 2012-2014, Phase 4 from 2015-2017, and Phase 5 from 2018-2020. Before this project, in 2006, the number of indigenous species surveyed was 29,916. The figure was cumulatively aggregated at the end of each phase as 33,253 species for Phase 1 (2008), 38,011 species for Phase 2 (2011), 42,756 species for Phase 3 (2014), 49,027 species for Phase 4 (2017), and 54,428 species for Phase 5(2020). The number of indigenous species surveyed grew rapidly, showing an approximately 1.8-fold increase as the project progressed. These statistics showed an annual average of 2,320 newly recorded species during the project period. Among the recorded species, a total of 5,242 new species were reported in scientific publications, a great scientific achievement. During this project period, newly recorded species on the Korean Peninsula were identified using the recent taxonomic classifications as follows: 4,440 insect species (including 988 new species), 4,333 invertebrate species except for insects (including 1,492 new species), 98 vertebrate species (fish) (including nine new species), 309 plant species (including 176 vascular plant species, 133 bryophyte species, and 39 new species), 1,916 algae species (including 178 new species), 1,716 fungi and lichen species(including 309 new species), and 4,812 prokaryotic species (including 2,226 new species). The number of collected biological specimens in each phase was aggregated as follows: 247,226 for Phase 1 (2008), 207,827 for Phase 2 (2011), 287,133 for Phase 3 (2014), 244,920 for Phase 4(2017), and 144,333 for Phase 5(2020). A total of 1,131,439 specimens were obtained with an annual average of 75,429. More specifically, 281,054 insect specimens, 194,667 invertebrate specimens (except for insects), 40,100 fish specimens, 378,251 plant specimens, 140,490 algae specimens, 61,695 fungi specimens, and 35,182 prokaryotic specimens were collected. The cumulative number of researchers, which were nearly all professional taxonomists and graduate students majoring in taxonomy across the country, involved in this project was around 5,000, with an annual average of 395. The number of researchers/assistant researchers or mainly graduate students participating in Phase 1 was 597/268; 522/191 in Phase 2; 939/292 in Phase 3; 575/852 in Phase 4; and 601/1,097 in Phase 5. During this project period, 3,488 papers were published in major scientific journals. Of these, 2,320 papers were published in domestic journals and 1,168 papers were published in Science Citation Index(SCI) journals. During the project period, a total of 83.3 billion won (annual average of 5.5 billion won) or approximately US $75 million (annual average of US $5 million) was invested in investigating indigenous species and collecting specimens. This project was a large-scale research study led by the Korean government. It is considered to be a successful example of Korea's compressed development as it attracted almost all of the taxonomists in Korea and made remarkable achievements with a massive budget in a short time. The results from this project led to the National List of Species of Korea, where all species were organized by taxonomic classification. Information regarding the National List of Species of Korea is available to experts, students, and the general public (https://species.nibr.go.kr/index.do). The information, including descriptions, DNA sequences, habitats, distributions, ecological aspects, images, and multimedia, has been digitized, making contributions to scientific advancement in research fields such as phylogenetics and evolution. The species information also serves as a basis for projects aimed at species distribution and biological monitoring such as climate-sensitive biological indicator species. Moreover, the species information helps bio-industries search for useful biological resources. The most meaningful achievement of this project can be in providing support for nurturing young taxonomists like graduate students. This project has continued for the past 15 years and is still ongoing. Efforts to address issues, including species misidentification and invalid synonyms, still have to be made to enhance taxonomic research. Research needs to be conducted to investigate another 50,000 species out of the estimated 100,000 indigenous species on the Korean Peninsula.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.5-46
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• 2021

The film Moranbong is the product of a trip to North Korea in 1958, when Armangati, Chris Marker, Claude Lantzmann, Francis Lemarck and Jean-Claude Bonardo left at the invitation of Joseon Film. However, for political reasons, the film was not immediately released, and it was not until 2010 that it was rediscovered and received attention. The movie consists of the narratives of Young-ran and Dong-il, set in the Korean War, that are folded into the narratives of Chunhyang and Mongryong in the classic Chunhyangjeon of Joseon. At this time, Joseon's classics are reproduced in the form of the drama Chunhyangjeon, which shares the time zone with the two main characters, and the two narratives are covered in a total of six scenes. There are two layers of middle-story frames in the movie, and if the same narrative is set in North Korea in the 1950s, there is an epic produced by the producers and actors of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon as a complete work. In the outermost frame of the movie, Dong-il is the main character, but in the inner double frame, Young-ran, who is an actor growing up with the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and a character in the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, is the center. The following three OST albums are Corée Moranbong released in France in 1960, Musique de corée released in 1970, and 朝鮮の伝統音樂-唱劇 「春香伝」と伝統樂器- released in 1968 in Japan. While Corée Moranbong consists only of the music from the film Moranbong, the two subsequent albums included additional songs collected and recorded by Pyongyang National Broadcasting System. However, there is no information about the movie Moranbong on the album released in Japan. Under the circumstances, it is highly likely that the author of the record label or music commentary has not confirmed the existence of the movie Moranbong, and may have intentionally excluded related contents due to the background of the film's ban on its release. The results of analyzing the detailed scenes of the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon, Farewell Song, Sipjang-ga, Chundangsigwa, Bakseokti and Prison Song in the movie Moranbong or OST album in the 1950s are as follows. First, the process of establishing the North Korean Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon in the 1950s was confirmed. The play, compiled in 1955 through the Joseon Changgeuk Collection, was settled in the form of a Changgeuk that can be performed in the late 1950s by the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon between 1956 and 1958. Since the 1960s, Chunhyangjeon has no longer been performed as a traditional pansori-style Changgeuk, so the film Moranbong and the album Corée moranbong are almost the last records to capture the Changgeuk Chunhyangjeon and its music. Second, we confirmed the responses of the actors to the controversy over Takseong in the North Korean creative world in the 1950s. Until 1959, there was a voice of criticism surrounding Takseong and a voice of advocacy that it was also a national characteristic. Shin Woo-sun, who almost eliminated Takseong with clear and high-pitched phrases, air man who changed according to the situation, who chose Takseong but did not actively remove Takseong, Lim So-hyang, who tried to maintain his own tone while accepting some of modern vocalization. Although Cho Sang-sun and Lim So-hyang were also guaranteed roles to continue their voices, the selection/exclusion patterns in the movie Moranbong were linked to the Takseong removal guidelines required by North Korean musicians in the name of Dang and People in the 1950s. Second, Changgeuk actors' response to the controversy over the turbidity of the North Korean Changgeuk community in the 1950s was confirmed. Until 1959, there were voices of criticism and support surrounding Taksung in North Korea. Shin Woo-sun, who showed consistent performance in removing turbidity with clear, high-pitched vocal sounds, Gong Gi-nam, who did not actively remove turbidity depending on the situation, Cho Sang-sun, who accepted some of the vocalization required by the party, while maintaining his original tone. On the other hand, Cho Sang-seon and Lim So-hyang were guaranteed roles to continue their sounds, but the selection/exclusion patterns of Moranbong was independently linked to the guidelines for removing turbidity that the Gugak musicians who crossed to North Korea had been asked for.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.19-26
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• 1970

1. Sixteen normal healthy subjects free from occult blood in the stool were selected and administered with their $^{51}Cr$ labeled own blood via duodenal tube and the recovery rate of radioactivity in feces and urine was measured. The average fecal recovery rate was 90.7 per cent ($85.7{\sim}97.7%$) of the administered radioactivity, and the average urinary excretion rate was 0.8 per cent ($0.5{\sim}1.5%$) 2. There was a close correlation between the amount of blood administered and the recovery rate from the feces; the more the blood administered, the higher the recovery rate was. It was also found that the administration of the tagged blood in the amount exceeding 15ml was suitable for measuring the radioactivity in the stools. 3. In five normal healthy subjects whose circulating erythrocytes had been tagged with $^{51}Cr$, there was little fecal excretion of radioactivity (average 0.9 ml of blood per day). This excretion is not related to hemorrhage and the main route of excretion of such an negligible radioactivity was postulated as gastric juice and bile. 4. A comparison of the radioactivity in the blood and feces of the patients with $^{51}Cr$ labeled erythrocytes seems to be a valid way of estimating intestinal blood loss.

• Journal of Biosystems Engineering
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.28-38
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• 1981

A survey has been conducted to investigate the presents of breaks down and repair of power tiller for efficient use. Eight provinces were covered for this study. The results are summarized as follows. A. Frequency of breaks down. 1) Power tiller was breaken down 9.05 times a year and it represents a break down every 39.1 hours of use. High frequency of breaks down was found from the fuel and ignition system. For only these system, the number of breaks down were 2.02 and it represents 23.3% among total breaks down. It was followed by attachments, cylinder system, and traction device. 2) For the power tiller which was more than six years old, breaks down accured 37.7 hours of use and every 38.6 hours for the power tiller which was purchased in less than 2 years. 3) For the kerosene engine power tiller, breaks down occured every 36.8 hours of use, which is a higher value compared with diesel engine power tiller which break down every 42.8 hours of use. The 8HP kerosene engine power tiller showed higher frequency of break down compared with any other horse power tiller. 4) In October, the lowest frequency of break down was found with the value of once for every 51.5 hours of use, and it was followed by the frequency of break down in June. The more hours of use, the less breaks down was found. E. Repair place 1) 45.3% among total breaks down of power tiller was repaired by the owner, and 54.7% was repaired at repair shop. More power tiller were repaired at repair shop than by owner of power tiller. 2) The older the power tiller is, the higher percentage of repairing at the repair shop was found compared with the repairing by the owner. 3) Higher percentage of repairing by the owner was found for the diesel engine power tiller compared with the kerosene engine power tiller. It was 10 HP power tiller for the kerosene power tiller and 8 HP for the diesel engine power tiller. 4) 66.7% among total breaks down of steering device was repaired by the owner. It was the highest value compared with the percentage of repairing of any other parts of power tiller. The lowest percentage of repairing by owner was found for the attachments to the power tiller with the value of 26.5%. C. Cause of break down 1) Among the total breaks down of power tiller, 57.2% is caused by the old parts of power tiller with the value of 5.18 times break down a year and 34.7% was caused by the poor maintenance and over loading. 2) For the power tiller which was purchased in less than two years, more breaks down were caused by poor maintenance in comparison to the old parts of power tiller. 3) For the both 8-10 HP kerosene and diesel engine power tiller, the aspects of breaks down was almost the same. But for the 5 HP power tiller, more breaks down was caused by over loading in comparison to the old parts of power tiller. 4) For the cylinder system and traction device, most of the breaks down was caused by the old parts and for the fuel and ignition system, breaks down was caused mainly by the poor maintenance. D. Repair Cost 1) For each power tiller, repair cost was 34,509 won a year and it was 97 won for one hoar operation. 2) Repair cost of kerosene engine power tiller was 40,697 won a year, and it use 28,320 won for a diesel engine power tiller. 3) Average repair cost for one hour operation of kerosene engine power tiller was 103 won, and 86 won for a diesel engine power tiller. No differences were found between the horse power of engines. 4) Annual repair cost of cylinder system was 13,036 won which is the highest one compared with the repair cost of any other parts 362 won a year was required to repair the steering device, and it was the least among repair cost of parts. 5) Average cost for repairing the power tiller one time was 3,183 won. It was 10,598 won for a cylinder system and 1,006 won for a steering device of power tiller. E. Time requirement for repairing by owner. 1) Average time requirements for repairing the break down of a power tiller by owner himself was 8.36 hours, power tiller could not be used for operation for 93.58 hours a year due to the break down. 2) 21.3 hours were required for repairing by owner himself the break down of a power tiller which was more than 6 years old. This value is the highest one compared with the repairing time of power tiller which were purchased in different years. Due to the break down of the power tiller, it could not be used for operation annually 127.13 hours. 3) 10.66 hours were required for repairing by the owner himself a break down of a diesel engine power tiller and 6.48 hours for kerosene engine power tiller could not be used annually 99.14 hours for operation due to the break down and it was 88.67 hour for the diesel engine power tiller. 4) For both diesel and kerosene engine power tiller 8 HP power tiller required the least time for repairing by owner himself a break down compared with any other horse power tiller. It was 2.78 hours for kerosene engine power tiller and 8.25 hours fur diesel engine power tiller. 5) For the cylinder system of power tiller 32.02 hours were required for repairing a break down by the owner himself. Power tiller could not be used 39.30 hours a year due to the break down of the cylinder system.