• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.49-75
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• 2014

European philosophy helped to justify colonialism through a philosophy of history that privileged Europe. This paper reviews and examines postcolonial African philosophy's efforts to overcome colonialism. Postcolonial African philosophy has been trying to reexamine the essence of philosophy determined by European philosophy for freeing African philosophy from that determination. The emergence of postcolonial African philosophy itself has been a challenge to European philosophy. When European phil. will open itself to this challenge, there will be a possibility of dialogue for desirable relationship between two philosophical traditions. For European philosophy to open itself is to be seen and judged by the non-european, ie, African philosophical regard. Postcolonial African philosophy's efforts to overcome colonialism give questions and challenges to us who experienced and are remain to be under the influences of colonialism and has the task of overcoming it.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.381-414
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• 2014

This paper aims to elaborate on the foundation of the colonialism, which comes from Natural Laws by John Locke and the extermination of the indigenous. John Locke develops his political doctrines considering Natural Laws as the logical, metaphysical supposition. He assumes Natural Laws to be the logical presupposition, but is interested in North America. This is evidently seen in his works according to research outcomes. His 'possessive individualism' discusses exclusion and extermination, on the bound of natural laws and natural state. The person without possessive rights is excluded, the people without effective farming is forfeited. Then acculturation is the justifying of slavery and suggestive of extermination. In the possessive individualism of bourgeois society, that is, private property, man is annulled aboard. That is colonialism comes from, which destroys all the cultures but its own cultures. It is Locke who is the first thinker of the imperial. In the thought of Locke found we in profane terminology projected for the world imperial. After Locke, colonialism has been appeared in the guise of racism in the eighteen century, especially in the universal history of system of philosophy, sometimes in the face of orientalism on all sides. The ideas of colonialism and imperialism have been absolutely for the West. In the totally administered society nowadays, the hope of redemption has been made impossible from the origin. From the beneath, operated and practiced the program of deletion of race, its ethnic cleansing is a mere case. Locke's thought for the human rights is consisted of property and freedom in mankind, but it ground baits for its bloodied symposium with words and consults. 'Our word is our weapon', this is wording of one ethnic that is in nearing extermination.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.31-77
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• 2011

식민지하 동남아 천년왕국 운동에 대한 오늘날의 해석들은 그 주체인 농민들을 식민주의를 개념화하고 저항하는 동기와 조건 그리고 상징을 제공하는 토착 지식의 전수자로 간주한다. 종말론과 저항에 대한 관심의 대부분은 농민연구나 지역연구 학자들로부터 유래하며, 이들은 봉기에 대한 과거의 묘사들이 토착의 정신세계를 간과했거나 국가이념을 저항세력들의 결집원리로 과대 포장한 것에 주의를 기울인다. 천년왕국 봉기에 관한 글들에서 제공하는 해석들은 동남아 신념 체계에 관한 독립적인 관점을 제공할 뿐만 아니라, 인식론적 측면에서 식민지국가들을 이와 같은 전통에서 단절시키고 있다. 영국 식민지하에서 최대의 농민반란인 서야쌍 봉기(1930-1932)는 오늘날 이와 같은 천년왕국 운동의 정수를 보여주는 사례로 간주된다. 학자들은 수천 명의 농민들로 하여금 버마인의 권위를 되찾고, 불교를 회복시키며, 식민통치로 인해 낳은 사회-경제적 부조리를 일소시킬 그들의 왕으로 믿게 만든 한 농부의 흥미로운 이야기를 묘사하고 있다. 일련의 반란이 미신에 의해 추동되었다고 간주한 식민지 관찰자들과는 달리 이후의 역사가들은 그 반란이 불교를 재건하고 태평성대로 인도할 미래부처인 미륵불의 현신에 대한 믿음의 표현이라고 해석했다. 이러한 학자들에게 서야쌍 봉기는 어떻게 동남아 사람들의 감수성이 식민지의 사회-경제적 압력 속에서도 지속되었으며, 상좌불교의 예언이 토착의 문화적 토양에 얼마나 깊이 내재해 있는지를 말해주는 사례였다. 경험적 관점에서 본 글은 서야쌍 봉기의 근원을 재해석함으로써 천년왕국 봉기에 관한 글들이 대부분 식민지적 문서화 작업과 종교를 과장되고 세속화된 화술로 믿게 하려고 지역연구자들의 산물임을 밝히고 있다. 개념적 관점에서 본고는 버마에서 일어난 천년왕국 운동의 역사적 구성에 대한 식민주의의 역할을 보다 면밀히 관찰하였다. 또한 식민지법, 학문, 그리고 식민지하 버마 농촌에서 발생한 종교적 저항에 대한 우리들의 이해를 상호 연결하는 인식론적 관계를 탐구했다. 그리하여 본고는 천년왕국 해석이 이 시기에 공존했던 다른 유형의 불교정치적 형태를 어떻게 왜곡했는가를 밝히고 있다.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.40
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• pp.29-60
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to trace the formation process of "parallel provenance" concept in the context of Australia's aboriginal community archives development and draw its implications for contemporary rebuilding of domestic "past affairs-related committee archives". Focused on historical development of aboriginal community archives in Australia, this writing divides its development into three periods: colonial archives, post-colonial archives, and contemporary archives and investigates each period's distinct features in managing and building of aboriginal community archives. First of all, for colonial archives, it pays attention to Australia's archival tradition, which focused on current record-keeping and then development of multiple provenance resulted from this tradition. Second, for post-colonial archives, it examines the appearance of aboriginal people as the subject of documentation category and name indexing on them. Finally, for contemporary archives, it analyzes current activities of Australia's academic world of archival science for overcoming "the otherness" of aboriginal people through conceptualization of "parallel provenance". Conclusively, through current meaning of parallel provenance, this study draws implications for democratic contemporary rebuilding of domestic past affairs-related committee archives, in which historical victims become the subject of archives.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.66-94
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• 2015

Postcolonialism, as a school of thought, has become enormously influential for understanding the recent phenomena of globalization. While rejecting the universalizing categories of the Enlightenment, postcolonialism has called into question the old idea of culture and identity as a transcendent regime of authenticity and purity. It has also celebrated the diasporic experiences that entail porous and hybrid cultural identities as a potential site of struggle and resistance against the dominant cultural and discursive order. It is argued, however, that postcolonial theory's emancipatory claims relating to the diversified global culture tend to be complicit with transnational capitalism that brings about global issues of material as well as cultural injustice. This article, through a thorough review of the ways the postcolonial theoretical framework has been developed and appropriated by main figures in postcolonial scholarship, seeks for a theoretical and critical strategy to grasp the complex conditions of global inequality.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.93-130
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• 2018

This is the first study of the relation between the controversy on Korean Economics and the controversy on the capitalist social formation of Korea in the 1970-80. The main results of this study is as following: Almost all Korean Economists think 'Korean Economics' do not exist, but korean philosophers think Korean philosophy which is different from western philosophy do exist. So Korean economists tend to believe in the universal validity of western economics. In fact, Some Korean Economists began to argued about universal validity of American-Western economics and making Korean Economics in 1970s, the controversy ceased in the mid of 1980s. Left-wing Economists insisted that the right wing conservetive economics is imported from, mainly, U.S.A, Korea is academic colony of U.S.A. But progressive economics was also imported from Western world, or Soviet Union in the process of controvesy on Korean capitalist social formation in 1980s. It is necessary to retrospect and re-examine the controversy on Korean Economics and on Korean capitalist social formation to develop Economics of Korea.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.107-127
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• 2008

Critics are inclined to interpret J.M. Coetzee's novels in South African contexts, which Coetzee's own background seems to support. One has to bear in mind, however, that Coetzee tends to "see the South African situation as only one manifestation of a wider historical situation to do with colonialism, late colonialism, neo-colonialism." In other words, putting too much emphasis on South African contexts may diminish or undermine significance of Coetzee's multi-layered novels. In this context, the purpose of this paper is to highlight what Coetzee has to say about American colonialism/imperialism and to emphasize importance of "postcolonial rhetoric of simultaneity" which is repeatedly shown in his fictional works. It gives a meticulous attention to and analyzes "Vietnam Project," the first novella of Dusklands, Coetzee's very first novel, which depicts and characterizes "what Chomsky in the context of Vietnam [War] called 'the backroom boys.'" "The Narrative of Jacobus Coetzee," "When a Woman Grows Older," and Diary of a Bad Year are occasionally brought into discussion as well. This kind of study seems timely and pertinent especially when we take into account the rampant American imperialism which has devastated and almost traumatized the world.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.50-73
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• 2009

A tendency to ignore the existence of public space in Korea under the Japanese colonial period seems to be driven from nationalist historiography in which all historical events under the colonial power have to be interpreted in terms of militant controls and resistances against them. Historical approach to mass media of that period has lasted to be saturated with the tendency and forced history students to stick to the nationalist guidelines. Struggles against Japanese imperial power by national-capital-operated newspaper have been a main menu of studies on the period's communication. The media were often hailed as fighting the colonial power for nation's independence. The present thesis aims to criticize the nationalist point of view and to reveal that nationalist interpretations may miss a variety of historical information. Even under the severe surveillance of colonial police some journalists tried either to inform officially or to smuggle into informed groups. The colonized society could experienced fields of public-ness throughout the practices of such as media fields, cultural fields, political fields. Those fields, of course, didn't come from the graceful favor of the colonial power but from the construction of the colonized. The public-ness seemed to be born for the easiness of control, but became later a constructed field of public-ness with which the colonized semiotically wrestled the power and grew a modern type of political (un)consciousness. Depicting what happened just before 815 liberation day in Korea the present paper showed that the less nationalist historiography can render help to those seeking political practices of the colonized in a micro-level.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.27 no.9
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• pp.91-100
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to critically review the global intellectual property regime, which has been in full swing since the mid-1990s, from the perspective of postcolonialism. More specifically, by looking at issues which were raised by the Postcolonial Piracy Studies, it attempted to relativize the global IP system. This paper confirmed the postcolonialist view that universal concepts could never be completely universal or pure, and confirmed the non-state legalities view of media piracy as a conduit for participation in the global network through 'porous legalities' concept of Lawrence Liang. Finally, this paper raised the need to understand various relationships between the informal media economy and the formal media economy in a balanced perspective, rather than relying only on the neat dichotomy logic of illegality/legal.