• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.34 no.4
• /
• pp.37-50
• /
• 2016

Recognizing the problem of fallacy in geographical name of Changokbyeong(蒼玉屛), assumption has been made on the location of Changokbyeong through literature research on antique maps, ancient paintings, and old prose, through field survey on rock inscriptions and landscape characteristics, and through interviews with local people. Furthermore, Baegyeonwa, the Cuckoo Hut, and Iyangjung(二養亭), an annex to the cottage, both of which were managed by Saahm Park Soon(思菴 朴淳), the Subject of Jouissance, were studied in depth with emphasis on the spatial structure as well as special features of the area as a garden. The major findings are as follows: Changokbyeong is a spatial threshold that imparts a sense of unity with Okbyeng seowon(玉屛書院) and indeed Changokbyeong is presumed to have been the frontal river terrace of Okbyeng seowon according to the analysis of antique maps and rock inscriptions. This ancient location and the Ogari Stone Wall, the present day Changokbyeong, are only 460m away so that both areas are considered as falling under the influence of Changokbyeong landscape. The expression "Changokbyeong Geupsangeum(蒼玉屛及散襟)" written in an old prose tells us that the high rock wall with Sangeumdae inscribed on the rock might be the rock wall of Changokbyeong. In addition, while not a single rock inscription has been found on the Ogari Stone Wall, 11 rock inscriptions designed and ordered by Saahm Park Soon, the Subject of Jouissance, are found on every corner of the high rock wall standing in front of Okbyeng seowon, 8 of those 11 being place names and recitative poems(known as Jeyeongsi: 題詠詩) in close formation resembling the handwritings in a little notebook. This provides a strong evidence for assuming the location of Changokbyeong to be the frontal river terrace of Okbyeng seowon. The "Songgyun Jeoljo Suwol Jeongshin(松筠節調 水月精神)" rock inscription on Changokbyeong should be considered as the stamping ground and as the symbolic language of Changokbyeong that bears the high character and nobility of the Subject of Jouissance, Saahm Park Soon. The inscription should also be recognized as the handwritings of Wooahm Song Si-Yeol(尤庵 宋時烈) correcting the misconceptions that persisted until today. Meanwhile, the garden remains of Saahm's Changokbyeong are composed of four sites: Sangeumdae-Sugyeongdae-Cheonghakdae-Baekhakdae from the left. At the back of Sangeumdae, there is the original house, the Baegyeonwa(拜鵑窩), and on the fantastically shaped stone wall at the left of Baekhakdae, there is the annex, the Iyangjung, together creating a landscape composition that overlooks the splendor of the Ogari Stone Wall. The Iyangjung is located on the highest spot to the left of the four sites, and it is believed to have been a little outhouse and library for Saahm which remains to the present day as a place where Saahm's character can be felt. The drinking plates[窪樽] made of rock that are affectionately arranged on the broad flat rock in front of Iyangjung is part of the garden remains that reflects the artistic taste of Saahm regarding the drinking culture at the time.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.43-71
• /
• 2012

Rural Neo-Confucian Literati were major governing elite in Joseon Dynasty. They were small and medium-sized landowners all over the country and elite having Confucian knowledge. They formed villages of the same family name and exerted their influence on the community showing off their successful ancestors. Therefore, there were lots of examples that they took the actual leadership in local communities. In this sense, the Hwacheon-gun pa family line of the Andong Kweon clan were the representative rural neo-Confucian literati of Hwang-gang and Shindong areas in Jecheon. This group was formed after Kweon Sangha and his brothers' movement in 1675. Kweon was the best pupil of Song Siyeol, a prominent scholar and man of power. Although facing away the government examination, he was respected as sallim, rustic literati, on account of his teaching and writing activities and later called to High State Councillor. After his death, memorial halls and facilities to worship him, including Hwang-gang Sowon Academy, were built in the place he taught students. These facilities contributed to his descendants' acquiring his life values. They also made a contribution to the settlement of reject-heterodoxy sentiments based on their loyalty to the Myeong Dynasty in the area. Kweon Seop, Kweon Sangha's nephew, also played an important role in Hwacheon-gun pa family line's growing as rural neo-Confucian literati in Jecheon area. He built memorial halls to enshrine Kweon Sangha and made rules to develop his family line. In addition, he extended their living space over Hwang-gang area and each place had the shrine to hold a memorial service for their ancestors. As a result, Kweon Sangha and Kweon Seop's family wielded power in Jecheon for hundreds years as the same family name group. Rural neo-Confucian literati didn't produce more elite government officials than the groups in the capital, but their growth enabled cultural development of the local community and the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.38
• /
• pp.209-242
• /
• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.4
• /
• pp.96-116
• /
• 2022

The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
• /
• 2015.05a
• /
• pp.394-394
• /
• 2015

급격히 변화하고 있는 산업화와 도시화로 지구 온난화 현상으로 기상이변의 발생빈도가 높아졌고 기후가 불안정하여 예전보다 많은 집중호우가 발생하면서, 홍수로 인한 제내지 침수가 발생되기도 한다. 기후변화로 인한 수재해에 대응하기 위하여 하천 호소 수리 예측 모형의 개선이 필요한 실정이다. 하지만, 자연하천 유역의 강우-유출 상관관계와 지표면 유출현상 및 하도 수리 특성을 자연현상의 복잡성, 강우발생의 시간적 공간적인 발생과정의 임의성, 정확한 해석방법 및 확률 분석에 따르는 불확실성 들을 토대로 단순한 이론과 제한적인 경험공식 등에 의해서 해석, 재현 및 평가를 한다는 것은 매우 어려운 문제이다. 최근 IT 기술의 발전과 더불어, 많은 연구자, 엔지니어들이 기존 수리 수문학적 지식과 IT기술을 융합하여 복잡 다단한 수자원 환경 문제를 해결하고자 한다. 이와 같은 최근 연구 동향에 의거하여, 본 연구에서는 HEC-RAS, TELEMAC-2D 1, 2차원 수리 모형을 연계하여 하천 흐름 분석 및 홍수 범람 해석에 적용하였다. 본 연구에서는 HEC-RAS, TELEMAC 모형을 적용하여 2012년 태풍 '산바(SANBA)'로 인해 홍수 피해를 입은 고령군에 위치한 낙동강 본류 회천 유역(상류 회천교 ~ 하류 도진교)의 하도 내 흐름 분석과 하천 인근 제내지 홍수범람을 예측하였다. 범람해석에 필요한 지형자료를 기초로 하여 각 지형의 조건에 맞게 수치자료를 이용하여 작성하였고, 수자원 정보를 이용하여 유랑, 수위 등 시계열자료를 지류 및 상 하류의 경계조건으로 설정하고, 조도계수 등 하천 기본정보들을 입력하였다. HEC-RAS 모형은 회천교부터 도진교까지 전구간에 대한 종단면과 횡단면별 홍수침수범위 및 홍수위 크기 등 거시적인 1차원 수리해석에 적용하였고, TELEMAC 모형은 HEC-RAS 시뮬레이션 결과를 바탕으로 HEC-RAS에서 나타내기 힘든 2차원 흐름특성, 침수현상 등 일부 범람 구간에 대해 수리해석에 적용하였다. HEC-RAS 시스템은 수공구조물들의 영향과 하천의 영향을 종 횡단면으로 다양한 홍수침수 범위를 1차원으로 나타 낼 수 있으며, TELEMAC 시스템 수리 모의를 통해 얻어진 결과는 유속, 유량, 수심, 하상고 높이 등 2차원으로 나타낼 수 있다. TELEMAC 시스템을 활용한 2차원 분석은 실측자료와 비교적 유사하고 시각, 공간적으로 이해하기 쉽게 표현되므로, 모형 적용성이 우수한 것으로 판단된다. 향후 유역 해석을 위한 수치데이터, 수위, 유량자료를 확보하여 HEC-RAS, TELEMAC 1, 2차원 연계 모형을 적용 한다면, 하천 준설, 하천 구조물 설치, 홍수피해 등 전반적인 하천관리 계획에 활용할 수 있을 것이라 판단된다.

• Journal of Digestive Cancer Research
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.75-77
• /
• 2014

Ampulla of Vater (AOV) cancer is rare malignant tumor which arises within the vicinity of the AOV. Metastatic AOV adenocarcinoma has poor prognosis, with an overall survival rate at 2 years ranging from 5 to 10%. The Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results Program of the National Cancer Institute indicated that lymph node metastasis was present in as many as half of patients which were associated with poor prognosis and liver was the second most common site of distant metastasis in AOV cancer. In this case report, we describe a case of complete resolution of AOV cancer, which was already spread to retroperitoneal lymph node and liver. The patient underwent gemcitabine plus cisplatin chemotherapy for palliative aim. After 12 month of chemotherapy, image study showed partial remission, so intraoperative radiofrequency ablation therapy and pylorus preserving pancreaticoduodenectomy was done. AOV cancer was completely resected and the patient was followed up without recurrence for 7 months.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.3
• /
• pp.41-66
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
• /
• v.27 no.4
• /
• pp.181-188
• /
• 2009

Purpose: The aim of this study was to evaluate the results of postoperative radiotherapy in a case of perihilar cholagiocarcinoma by analyzing overall survival rate, patterns of failure, prognostic factors for overall survival, and toxicity. Materials and Methods: Between January 1998 and March 2008, 38 patients with perihilar cholangiocarcinoma underwent a surgical resection and adjuvant radiotherapy. The median patient age was 59 years (range, 28 to 72 years), which included 23 men and 15 women. The extent of surgery was complete resection in 9 patients, microscopically positive margins in 25 patients, and a subtotal resection in 4 patients. The tumor bed and regional lymphatics initially received 45 Gy or 50 Gy, but was subsequently boosted to a total dose of 59.4 Gy or 60 Gy in incompletely resected patients. The median radiotherapy dose was 59.4 Gy. Concurrent chemotherapy was administered in 30 patients. The median follow-up period was 14 months (range, 6 to 45 months). Results: The 3-year overall survival and 3-year progression free survival rates were 30% and 8%, respectively. The median survival time was 28 months. A multivariate analysis showed that differentiation was the only significant factor for overall survival. The 3-year overall survival was 34% in R0 patients and 20% in R1 patients. No statistically significant differences in survival were found between the 2 groups (p=0.3067). The first site of failure was local in 18 patients (47%). No patient experienced grade 3 or higher acute toxicity and duodenal bleeding developed in 2 patients. Conclusion: Our results suggest that adjuvant RT might be a significant factor in patients with a positive margin following a radical resection. However, there was still a high locoregional recurrence rate following surgery and postoperative radiotherapy. Further study is necessary to enhance the effect of the adjuvant radiotherapy.

• Radiation Oncology Journal
• /
• v.26 no.4
• /
• pp.195-203
• /
• 2008

Purpose: To investigate the treatment outcome and failure patterns after definitive chemoradiation therapy in locally advanced, unresectable esophageal cancer. Materials and Methods: From February 1994 to December 2002, 168 patients with locally advanced unresectable or medically inoperable esophageal cancer were treated by definitive chemoradiation therapy. External beam radiation therapy (EBRT) ($42{\sim}46\;Gy$) was delivered to the region encompassing the primary tumor and involved lymph nodes, while the supraclavicular fossa and celiac area were included in the treatment area as a function of disease location. The administered cone-down radiation dose to the gross tumor went up to $54{\sim}66\;Gy$, while the fraction size of the EBRT was 1.8-2.0 Gy/fraction qd or 1.2 Gy/fraction bid. An optional high dose rate (HDR) intraluminal brachytherapy (BT) boost was also administered (Ir-192, $9{\sim}12\;Gy/3{\sim}4\;fx$). Two cycles of concurrent FP chemotherapy (5-FU $1,000\;mg/m^2$/day, days $2{\sim}6$, $30{\sim}34$, cisplatin $60\;mg/m^2$/day, days 1, 29) were delivered during radiotherapy with the addition of two more cycles. Results: One hundred sixty patients were analyzable for this review [median follow-up time: 10 months (range $1{\sim}149$ months)). The number of patients within AJCC stages I, II, III, and IV was 5 (3.1%), 38 (23.8%), 68 (42.5%), and 49 (30.6%), respectively. A HDR intraluminal BT was performed in 26 patients. The 160 patients had a median EBRT radiation dose of 59.4 Gy (range $44.4{\sim}66$) and a total radiation dose, including BT, of 60 Gy (range $44.4{\sim}72$), while 144 patients received a dose higher than 40 Gy. Despite the treatment, the disease recurrence rate was 101/160 (63.1%). Of these, the patterns of recurrence were local in 20 patients (12.5%), persistent disease and local progression in 61 (38.1%), distant metastasis in 15 (9.4%), and concomitant local and distant failure in 5 (3.1%). The overall survival rate was 31.8% at 2 years and 14.2% at 5 years (median 11.1 months). Disease-free survival was 29.0% at 2 years and 22.7% at 5 years (median 10.4 months). The response to treatment and N-stage were significant factors affecting overall survival. In addition, total radiation dose (${\geq}50\;Gy$ vs. < 50 Gy), BT and fractionation scheme (qd. vs. bid.) were not significant factors for overall survival and disease-free survival. Conclusion: Survival outcome after definitive chemoradiation therapy in unresectable esophageal cancer was comparable to those of other series. The main failure pattern was local recurrence. Survival rate did not improve with increased radiation dose over 50 Gy or the use of brachytherapy or hyperfractionation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.38-49
• /
• 2015

This study aims to contemplated spatial recognition in Soswaewon Garden through garden visitors poetry. It was content analysis in poetry and extract frequency from words based on relationship of author. The results were as follows. First, relationship of authors who wrote Soswaewon Garden poetry was formed in companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo(梁山甫), poetry was written by Song, Soon(宋純), Kim, Un-Geo(金彦据) and Kim, In-Hu(金麟厚) as the central figure. Especially Kim, In-Hu was playing an important role in Soswaewon Garden poetry. He was wrote many of poetry and keep friends with Yang, Ja-Jeong(梁子渟) too. In the Yang, Ja-Jung, relationship of previous generation was sustained. In addition, Ko, Gyeong-Myeong(高敬命) and Kim, Seong-Won and Jeong, Chul(鄭澈) is more closely related than others. Because blood relationship by marriage. In the Yang, Jin-Tae(梁晋泰), He formed a relationship with a celebrity and attend to international activity. Since then Yang, Jin-Tae periord, Yang, Gyeong-Ji(梁敬之) and Yang, Chae-Ji(梁采之) formed relationship of previous generation was sustained. And surrounding people was written poetry as hold a banquet. Second, plant and ornament is a popular object for writing poetry. Bamboo grove and Fine tree with a high frequency of plant element in poetry. Bamboo grove is a typical species of trees in Soswaewon Garden. It was enclosed the Soswaewon Garden. Fine tree was often used target of poetry as a single tree. Meanwhile, ornament of the wall has been used most frequently. Descendants wrote a poem to see it because Kim, In-Hu's poetry was left. This phenomenon is involves respect for the ancient sages with high frequency. In addition, behavior of viewing the landscape was mainly appeared. Third, spatial recognition of Soswaewon Garden can be divided into landscape cognition, behavior cognition and emotional cognition. In a aspect of landscape cognition, early Soswaewon Garden was recognized as a pavilion. That was used garden name to 'Soswaewon Garden' since Yang, Ja-Jung's period. That is to say, Soswaewon Garden expanded from pavilion area surrounded by trees into the whole appearance is equipped garden area. Behavior cognition was consisting drink and enjoys a landscape. In the Yang, San-Bo, authors enjoyed drinking and viewing a landscape besides walking, writing poetry, viewing the moon. But after Yang, San-Bo's period other than drinking and enjoy a landscape has appeared a low frequency. These results were changed from internal place to blood relationship into external place to companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo's emotional cognition was sorrow and yearning about leave to Soswaewon Garden with an idly atmosphere. Pleasant emotion was sustained all generation. And emotion of respect for the ancient sages was appeared since Yang, Cheon-un.