• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.211
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• pp.15-15
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• 1997

• Environmental engineer
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• s.4
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• pp.8-10
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• 1986

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.11-20
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• 1990

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.179-214
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• 2018

In this paper I understand Zizek's interpretation of Christianity, and examine it critically and suggest its alternative. Zizek argues that Christianity in its core is turned out to be atheist. His atheist Christianity exposes revolutionary potentials with Christianity. His exploration of Christianity is designed to fight against global capitalism. It means an ideological praxis in theory. But he is misleading in interpreting Christianity. It is his fault that while he places much stress on the participatory interpretation of Jesus's death, he belittles the sacrificial interpretation of it. For the subversive power of Christianity springs from the latter. To tell the truth, Christianity is strongly grounded on simultaneous fulfillment of both of them. Zizek. In interpreting Christianity, he delivers us uncorrect understanding of sacrificial interpretation of Jesus's death while he intends to reveal the subversive core of Christianity. In particular, he is lacking in understanding the atonement function and expiation effect immanent in Jesus's death. There is no participatory interpretation without sacrificial interpretation. In this view, Zizek's pagan Christianity has to be revised or rejected. So, I suggest it is possible through orthodox Christianity, not through pagan Christianity to restore and reactivate the subversive core of Christianity in itself and by itself. The burden of proof is up to fighting theist, not fighting atheist like Zizek.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.209-216
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• 2020

As depository system for negotiation or reimbursement to the victim in criminal case is reflected to consideration for diminishing punishment and hence, it is very important in the process. According to the current law, one needs to fill out victim's personal information such as name, address, and ID number for processing depository. However, if the victim is sexual violence victim, all the personal information is covered up becoming anonymous. Therefore, it becomes difficult for the accused person to get necessary information. Such covering up action is to prevent further second damage that may be caused such as threatening for the negotiation whereas victim has no willingness to forgive the accused. However, even if the accused person regrets his/her crime and make reimbursement to the victim, as they have no personal information on the victim it becomes impossible for them to make the depository. If we apply ESCROW system here it will allow victims to avoid any direct contact with the accused person as well as preventing any privacy disclosure. Also, for the accuse person, they can show how much they regret by making depository within their capability.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Korean Journal of Psychosomatic Medicine
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.269-276
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• 1996

A theroretical study was made on the psychodynamism of somatoform disorder. Somatoform disorder is caused by a defense mechanism of somatization. Somatization is the tendency to react to stimuli(drives, defenses, and conflict between them) physically rather than psychically(Moore, 1990). Ford(1983) said it is a way of life, and Dunbar(1954) said it is the shift of psychic energy toward expression in somatic symptoms. As used by Max Shur(1955), somatization links symptom formation to the regression that may occur in response to acute and chronic conflict. In the neurotic individual psychic conflict often provokes regressive phenomena that may include somatic manifestations characteristic of an earlier developmental phase. Schur calls this resomatization. Pain is the most common example of a somatization reaction to conflict. The pain has an unconscious significance derived from childhood experiences. It is used to win love, to punish misdeeds, as well as a means to amend. Among all pains, chest pain has a special meaning. Generally speaking, 'I have pain in my chest' is about the same as 'I have pain in my mind'. The chest represent the mind, and the mind reminds us about the heart. So we have a high tendency to recognize mental pain as cardiac pain. Kellner(1990) said rage and hostility, especially repressed hostility, are important factors in somatization. In 'Psychoanalytic Observation on Cardiac Pain', psychoanalyst Bacon(1953) presented clinical cases of patients who complained of cardiac pain in a psychoanalytic session that spread from the left side of their chests down their left arms. The pain was from rage and fear which came after their desire to be loved was frustrated by the analyet. She said desires related to cardiac pain were dependency needs and aggressions. Empatic relationship and therapeutic alliances are indispensable to psychotherapy in somatoform disorder. The beginning of therapy is to discover a precipitating event from the time their symptoms have started and to help the patient understand a relation between the symptom and precipitating event. Its remedial process is to find and interpret a intrapsychic conflict shown through the symptoms of the patient. Three cases of somatoform disorder patients treated based on this therapeutic method were introduced. The firt patient, Mr. H, had been suffering from hysterical aphasia with repressed rage as ie psychodynamic cause. An interpretation related to the precipitating event was given by written communication, and he recovered from his aphasia after 3 days of the session. The second patient was a dentist in a cardiac neurosis with agitation and hypochondriasis, whose psychodynamism was caused by a fear that he might lose his father's love. His symptom was also interpreted in relation to the precipitating event. It showed the patient a child-within afraid of losing his father's love. His condition improved after getting a didactic interpretation which told him, to be master of himself, The third patient was a lady transferred from the deparment of internal medicine. She had a frequent and violent fit of chest pains, whose psychodynamic cause was separation anxiety and a rage due to the frustration of dependency needs. Her symptom vanished dramatically when she wore a holler EKG monitor and did not occur during monitoring. By this experience she found her symptom was a psychogenic one, and a therapeutic alliance was formed. later in reguar psychotherapy sessions, she was told the relaton between symptoms and precipitating events. Through this she understood that her separation anxiety was connected to the symptom and she became less terrifide when it occurred. Now she can travel abroad and take well part in social activities.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.7-46
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• 2017

The elderly in the Joseon Dynasty consistently attracted attention from the national herb as objects of social respect. Based on the Confucian ideology, the old man was considered to be a receiving body, since he was a person with complete character as a man. The elderly, who have the character of being a slave, transcended their status, and both the souls and the people were transcended beyond their identities and attributes and became objects of respect. The perception of the elderly is divided by age. The persons who are 50 years old and start to be in physical decline were regarded as senior citizens. However, this was just mentioned as an inflection point between the prime of manhood and senior citizens and was not defined as the elderly. As a public duty called a national work ends when they are 60 years old, the age is truly the lowest limit of senior citizens who are applicable to all the social beings. However, because their public duties end when they are 60 years old and they were regarded as general members of society, special benefits were not granted to them. In the caste system and bureaucratic society, senior citizens' treatment were differently done by age. For the senior citizens who are 70 years old, various benefits were just granted to high government officials. Bokho(復戶) and Seojeong were first given to them. And the retirement age of government officials was not specially set. It was done in the way to treat Jonno with exceptional respect by Chisa(致仕: regular retirement). It is the most respectful treatment given to high government officials and ministers. For the senior citizens who are 80 years old, Yangnoyeon(養老宴) was held for both of Yangmin and Cheonmin as an measure to treat them considerately. In addition, official ranks(官品) with social value were allowed by giving them Noinjik (老人職). Official ranks given to Seoin and Cheonin were the best Jonno(尊老) policy. However, the Jonno policy related to senior citizens was different according to position and official ranks as follows: Kings were subjected to social treatment when they were 60 years old. High government officials and royal relatives of the senior grade of the second court rank were subjected to social treatment when they were 70 years old. And general Seoin and slaves were subjected to social treatment when they were respectively 80 and 90 years old. Senior citizens were individually supported. However, social value was granted because the nation supervised it. As Bokho and Sijeong were assigned according to position and official ranks and kinds of things were different, the social limit was clearly shown. Social order was put above the ideology called Jonno thought. However, Jonno acts by age and position did not stay at the individual level and the nation took care of the senior citizens who are the members of society in various ways based on Jonno thought. Society tried to take care of the senior citizens who had difficulties in their activities because of being in physical decline. The nation increased the existence value of the senior citizens by giving things(賜物) including chairs, rice, meat, and ice economically, exoneration(免罪), the reduction system, and wergild legally, and Noinjik called Gaja(加資) socially to them and changing them to the members of society. Yangnoyeon and Gaja held targeting people of every class by transcending position and official ranks make the point that the senior citizens who are more than 80 years old are subject to social jonno clear. That is, the senior citizens were subject to respect for the elderly as the persons who were socially respected transcending their position when they got to be 80 years old.