• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.56-70
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• 2022

Tombs No. 39 and No. 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong, are unique in the Changnyeong area in that they do not have additional burials because they are hoenggu-style tombs with an entrance on the north side. This study tried to understand the nature and meaning of the two separate stone walls at the entrance of the tomb along with the burial process of the tomb. These two stone walls mark small tombs built independently within a large tomb, with stone wall No. 39 stone wall No. 3 (No.39-3) and No. 63 stone wall No. 3 (No. 63-3). Both units are located in the middle of the northern wall of the burial body part and share one wall with the burial body part wall stone. All animal fluids inside the stone wall were identified. In particular, it was estimated that at least three dogs were buried as a result of identification of animal fluids No. 63-3. Above all, these animals have their heads facing outward with their backs to the main occupants, and do not overlap in a limited space and are placed side by side. Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 were created in the process of building the burial body, and although they are independent relics, they form a subordinate relationship in that they were built along the main burial within one tomb. In addition, it is coercive in that it is placed in an orderly manner according to a certain direction in a state that has not been dismantled after killing an animal. Therefore, It is understood to be the SHUNJANG of dogs. Studies on animal fluids excavated from tombs in the Three Kingdoms period are interpreted as animal stewardship, sacrificial collection, and animal sacrifice depending on their location, and this is known as a series of animal sacrifice rites, namely, animal stewardship and sacrifice. This recognition is based on material objectification of animals, such as food or sacrifices. However, Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 are different in that they recognize animals as spiritual beings in the process of funeral rites and are closely related to the ideology that there is life after death. In addition, analysis of the location and directionality of the remains is also required from multiple angles. These two SHUNJANG correspond to the entrance to the tomb, and the location is the most open space at the entrance. The appearance of a dog looking outward, etc., can also be interpreted as the meaning of protecting the tombs and byeoksa. This appearance can be compared with the dog depicted in a mural in a Goguryeo tomb that reflects the ancient world's thought and stone figures excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, and it is also consistent with the meaning of the JINMYOSU protecting the ancient tombs. This suggests that a multifaceted study on animal fluid burial remains is needed in the future.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2020

This study closely analyzed poems and paintings related to Beijing-Palgyeong, as well as ancient maps and ancient writings. Through the study, people who read this study can consider, Beijing-Palgyeong's the process of changing times, changing landscape perception, physical and symbolic landscape elements, structural analysis, national management relationships, and finally how it was localized as symbolic place. The view point of the Beijing-Palgyeong is distributed in four places, one outside and one inside the city. Outside of the capital city of Beijing-Palgyeong were concentrated in Seosan(西山) where the resting place of the emperor and the center of the landscape view of Beijing. The view point of Beijing-Palgyeong inside the capital city is located in two places in the royal palace's Imperial Garden and in two villages around the fortress. In other words, Beijing-Palgyeong was selected as a place closely related to the imperial family, emperor, and royal palace from the time of its initial creation. Since then, many scholars, including the emperor, have used it for national management through Won(元), Ming and Qing Dynasty, and it have become more and more characteristic of 'The capital city of eight scenic views'. The two places inside the capital city praised the Gods and Emperors in the same way. Outside the capital city, the two sites depict the comfortable lives of the people who are governed by the emperor and depicting the village landscape around the city. In the end, it can be seen that most of the Beijing-Palgyeong are related to imperial palaces and emperors. If you look at the physical landscape of Beijing-Palgyeong by element, it mainly contains the contents of national management and the emperor's eulogy. Qianlong Emperor established the Beijing-Palgyeong in 1751 through the construction of a monument. A four-character on the front of the monument, and inscribed with a seven-word written by the person on the back. It can be said that Qianlong Emperor's Beijing-Palgyeong were intended to show off the results of Manchurian rule through the material symbol of the monument. Beijing-Palgyeong have been transformed into a landmark, and modern people use it as an indicator of the Beijing-Palgyeong.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.11-24
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to re-examine the neglected and forgotten Cheongdo Geoyeonjeong, to correct the wrong contents, examine the changes and conditions of the garden, and to establish basic data on the components of the forest in the future. In addition, it was extended to the Gongampungbyeog Cliff, the influence area of the Geoyeonjeongwonlim, and the results of the study were as follows; First, Based on the recitation of "Seonyu pungryu(仙遊風流)" in the "Cheongsuheon-yugo(聽水軒遺稿),", Dongchangcheon Stream and Gongampungbyeog(孔巖楓壁) were influenced by the outer gardens of the Georyeonjeongwonrim. Second, Small pavilion was built and arranged under the rock of Byeongam(Byeongpungbawi) in the management history of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion. The records show that Cheongsuheon used the Geoyeonjeong Pavilion as the original forest and even recognized Oewon, which is a scenic influence, as the Gongampungbyeog Cliff. Third, Many of the poems related to Gongam were recognized as Seunggyeong, which represents the Unmun area, and the eight scenery of Cheongdo and Unmungugok were established here as proof that Gongampungbyeog Cliff was very faithful to the traditional Seunggyeong aspect of Gongampungbyeog Cliff, and the crystalline structure of the location was implied as an external source of Geoyeonjeongwonlim. Fourth, The lower part of Dongchangcheon Stream, which stretches from Geoyeonjeongwonrim to Gongam, is filled with attractions consisting of cancerous areas such as Punghodae, Moseongam, Buangdae, Gokcheondae, Saganjeong, Hakgadae, and Hyeongjeam, which provide a clearer picture of the space and landscape of the Geyeonjeongwonrim Outer Garden. Fifth, The expression "dragging water, spilling it into the courtyard, and sending it back to the downtown of the field" of the Cheongsuheon-yugo suggests that the site of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion was originally a prevention. It is also inferred that Cheng Shu-heon also wanted to respect runners and pursue natural views like runners. Sixth, The record of planting a description of spring water and willow trees in "Geoyeonjeong Manyeong(居然亭晩影)」" and "Sanggukseol(霜菊說)」" suggests that the chrysanthemum was planted and planted, and that the chrysanthemum was used to describe the Osanggojeol(傲霜孤節), which means that he would not yield and keep his incision alone despite severe frost. Seventh, It is believed that the writing was written by Cheongsuheon in 1844 during the period of the creation of the Wonrim. The rock letters on the floor of Geoyeonjeong suggest the names of the receiving and the winning prizes. Most of the passages are based on nuclear power plants, including Muidogyo of the Zhuzi, and most of them incorporate the virtues of the Gunja and the natural views of the Eunja. In addition, the rock writing 'Gyeong(敬)' or 'Uidang(義堂)' is a substitute for special worship objects or introspection, adding to the significance and scenic properties of the Georyeon Garden Forest.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.5-46
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• 2009

The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.170-181
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• 2011

This Research will explore the meaning indicated in the landscape meaning and feature of literary group culture, focusing in Gurujeong(九老亭: pavilion for nine elders) and Samgaeseokmun(三溪石門: stone gate in three valleys) located in Dundeok-myun, Imshil-gun, and will seek to understand the implications by studying the cultural landscape spread out in the area. The place where Gurojeong and Samgaeseokmun is located is the meeting point of the three valleys, Dunnam stream, Osu stream, and Yul stream, which is the main location to view the beautiful scenery, which has the nickname as the dwelling place of a celestial being. Especially, based on the description of old maps, "Samgae(three valleys)" and "Samgaeseokmun" possesses significance as a landmark and shows a characteristic feature of landscape structures of low hills. Dangugurohwe(丹丘九老會: nine elders gathering on the dwelling of a celestial being) originated from Hyangsangurohwe(香山九老會: gathering of nine elders on a fragrant mountain), where Baekgeoi(白居易) of China was one of the main people. This group was organized by nine elders over the age of 60 desiring to view the scenery of Doyeonmyeong. The group enhanced the literary spirit on the low hill, erecting a tower, and enjoying the beautiful scenery changing every season with scholars from the same region. This phenomenon seems to have been formed upon the positive response to gatherings of elders, which were prevalent in the Joseon Dynasty. If the internal idea pursued by the group was "longevity," the external idea pursued can be summarized as "the spirit the respect for the elders." Naming the groups as 'Dangudae(place where the celestial being lives), Guseondong(valley of seeking a celestial life), Bangjangsan(mountain of a high priest), and Daecheondae(place of communicating with God) was likely a device to introspect oneself and symbolize one's life process. Furthermore, the reason Samgaeseokmun, which is an imitation of Choi, Chiwon's work, was built near Soyocheo, was probably to yearn the celestial land and based on the desire to follow Choi, Chiwon, who was the most self-fulfilling being presumed to have become a celestial being by practicing the pursuit of freedom, escaping from the reality. After tracing the symbolizing meaning of the four letters carved in the left side of the stone wall of Dangudae, the conclusion that this place was not only a place for literary gatherings of the nine elders of Saseong(four families), but was a place where the celestial being dwelled could be inferred. Corresponding with Dangudae and Gurojeong, which are places where the order of human and nature is harmonized and where its meaning associated with the location intensifies, arouses strong bond, can be said to be the symbol of the traces of celestial beings where the spirits of attachment to a certain place is embedded. The acts performed in Dangugurohwe were those of traditional leisure including strolling, viewing the scenery, drinking, composing poems, and playing instruments, and sometimes listening to stories, tea ceremony, prayers, and fishing were added, which indicates that the gathering had a strong tendency towards pastoral and hermit life.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.31-72
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• 2010

At first, I extract materials on folk religion from four encyclopedic literatures of late Chosun dynasty-Lee, Ji-Bong-Ryu-Seol(『芝峯類說』) by Soo-Kwang(李晬光), San-Lim-Kyung-Jae(『山林經濟』) by Hong, Man-Sun(洪萬選), Sung-Ho-Sa-Seol(『星湖僿說』) by Lee-Ik(李瀷), O-Ju-Yeon-Moon-Jang-Jun-San-Go(『五洲衍文長箋散稿』) by Lee, Kyu-Kyung(李圭景), and present these materials by tables. Second, I examined the contents and characters of these materials on folk religion. The conclusions from this research are as follows. ① There are common features and points of difference between these four encyclopedic literatures. One of common features are that all these four are encyclopedic works, but San-Lim-Kyung-Jae is more practical than another three. ② These encyclopedic literatures regard folk religion as a negative culture, because these literatures based on Confucianism. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of folk religion. ③ These encyclopedic literatures give us many informations on gods and spirits of Korean folk religion, i.e. city gods(城隍神)·Yup-Sin(업신)·spirits of disease, god Kim-Bu(金傅大王神)·god Jung-Duk-Yang(鄭得揚)·god of King Kuan-u(關王神)·god Bu-keun(付根神) etc. So I review these gods and spirits referenced in encyclopedic literatures. ④ These encyclopedic literatures show much interest in ghost in common. The reason of interest is that authors of these encyclopedic literatures are all scholars of Sung Confucianism and Sung Confucian was concern about ghost. The Sung Confucianism denied the ghost as personal being whom Korean folk religion regards to a kind of spirits. Instead of beliefs in ghost of folk religion, they insist on the ghost as Ki(氣), a kind of cosmic principle. But these encyclopedic literatures acknowledge some parts of folk religion's beliefs in ghost, because they admit the miraculous virtues of these parts. ⑤ There are many items on divination in these encyclopedic literatures. But they show dual attitude on divinations. The one is negative attitude to divinations on individual destiny and the other one is positive attitude to divinations on agriculture. ⑥ There are also many items on witchcrafts in these encyclopedic literatures. Through these items, I assumed pervasiveness of beliefs on witchcraft at that time. ⑦ Shamans, as religious specialist, are stand on a central position of Korean folk religion. So it is a matter of course that these encyclopedic literatures concerned on Korean shaman. As Confucians, authors of these encyclopedic literatures did not regards shamans as positive one. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of shamans. In spite of these encyclopedic literatures have negative view points to, and include false informations Korean folk religion, I would like to emphasis on importance of these encyclopedic literatures to understand Korean folk religions, especially Korean folk religions of late Yi Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.38-49
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• 2015

This study aims to contemplated spatial recognition in Soswaewon Garden through garden visitors poetry. It was content analysis in poetry and extract frequency from words based on relationship of author. The results were as follows. First, relationship of authors who wrote Soswaewon Garden poetry was formed in companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo(梁山甫), poetry was written by Song, Soon(宋純), Kim, Un-Geo(金彦据) and Kim, In-Hu(金麟厚) as the central figure. Especially Kim, In-Hu was playing an important role in Soswaewon Garden poetry. He was wrote many of poetry and keep friends with Yang, Ja-Jeong(梁子渟) too. In the Yang, Ja-Jung, relationship of previous generation was sustained. In addition, Ko, Gyeong-Myeong(高敬命) and Kim, Seong-Won and Jeong, Chul(鄭澈) is more closely related than others. Because blood relationship by marriage. In the Yang, Jin-Tae(梁晋泰), He formed a relationship with a celebrity and attend to international activity. Since then Yang, Jin-Tae periord, Yang, Gyeong-Ji(梁敬之) and Yang, Chae-Ji(梁采之) formed relationship of previous generation was sustained. And surrounding people was written poetry as hold a banquet. Second, plant and ornament is a popular object for writing poetry. Bamboo grove and Fine tree with a high frequency of plant element in poetry. Bamboo grove is a typical species of trees in Soswaewon Garden. It was enclosed the Soswaewon Garden. Fine tree was often used target of poetry as a single tree. Meanwhile, ornament of the wall has been used most frequently. Descendants wrote a poem to see it because Kim, In-Hu's poetry was left. This phenomenon is involves respect for the ancient sages with high frequency. In addition, behavior of viewing the landscape was mainly appeared. Third, spatial recognition of Soswaewon Garden can be divided into landscape cognition, behavior cognition and emotional cognition. In a aspect of landscape cognition, early Soswaewon Garden was recognized as a pavilion. That was used garden name to 'Soswaewon Garden' since Yang, Ja-Jung's period. That is to say, Soswaewon Garden expanded from pavilion area surrounded by trees into the whole appearance is equipped garden area. Behavior cognition was consisting drink and enjoys a landscape. In the Yang, San-Bo, authors enjoyed drinking and viewing a landscape besides walking, writing poetry, viewing the moon. But after Yang, San-Bo's period other than drinking and enjoy a landscape has appeared a low frequency. These results were changed from internal place to blood relationship into external place to companionship. In the Yang, San-Bo's emotional cognition was sorrow and yearning about leave to Soswaewon Garden with an idly atmosphere. Pleasant emotion was sustained all generation. And emotion of respect for the ancient sages was appeared since Yang, Cheon-un.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.281-312
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine various life conditions of actors of Joseon periods in unofficial historical stories. Yadam Literature(Korean unofficial historical stories) had been collected Sadaebu(the past Korean nobility and Confucian intelligentsia) among the people that stories had been handed down orally. and they had been wrote them. So Yadam Literature was heterozygous between the folk culture and the ruling class. And it was mixed and adapted legends and folktales, adding literary imagination. had a decisive role to cultivating novel that owed much to prosaic inspiration during A. D. 18~19. Besides, set a high value on excellent novel itself. Yadam Literature had a verisimilitude because it described a contemporary reality as it was founded on freely prosaic inspiration. In those days, so called Suchok and Seunggwangdae had performed Uhee(a comic theatrical performance) in Joseon periods. Suchok was the lowest class of people and Seunggwangdae was performing Buddhist monk in that time. Uhee had performed three kinds of comedies. One satirized and insinuated kings. Other satirized corrupt officials, too. Another had mimic everything. It is famous at that time as a king knew repertoire. Confucian scholars very were fond of Uhee in those ages. Because they favored a criticism of Uhee's satire. They thought that it gave people good lesson or instruction. Heri Bergson said that comic and Humor included lesson. At that time, those thought were universal in the world whether east or west. At any rate, I classify six kinds of types Uhee in Yadam Literature. First, satirizing and accusing corrupt officials. Second, an actor who use a satire in order to appeal secure a government position of his lord to a king. Third, shamans and actors who use a satire in order to appeal sufferings themselves to a king. Forth, actors and performing Buddhist monks that skillfully mimic anything. Fifth, describing actor's extremely miserable life. Sixth, wit and humor of actors. The contents of Uhee were various. Korean traditional actors adeptly dealt with aspects comic of wit, satire, humor, etc. Sometimes they used changeable transition them. By doing that, a great number of people enjoyed fully the sense of freedom. Korean traditional actors were the lowest class of people. They had lived extremely miserable life. But they had been exist as actions, interactions, and relationship in society those days. they were not only open to people, but also might foster community to peoples.