• Journal of Information Management
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• v.6 no.5
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• pp.131-134
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• 1973

본고(本稿)시리이즈의 제1보(第一報)에서 우리는 물리(物理), 사회과학(社會科學) 및 공학분야(工學分野)의 12,442명(名)의 과학자(科學者)와 기술자(技術者)에 대한 정보교환활동(情報交換活動)의 78례(例)에 있어서 일반과정(一般過程)과 몇 가지 결과(結果)를 기술(記述)한 바 있다. 4년반(年半) 이상(以上)의 기간(其間)($1966{\sim}1971$)에서 수행(遂行)된 이 연구(硏究)는 현재(現在)의 과학지식(科學知識)의 집성체(集成體)로 과학자(科學者)들이 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)한 때부터 기록상(記錄上)으로 연구결과(硏究結果)가 취합(聚合)될 때까지 각종(各種) 정형(定形), 비정형(非定形) 매체(媒體)를 통한 유통정보(流通情報)의 전파(傳播)와 동화(同化)에 대한 포괄적(包括的)인 도식(圖式)으로 표시(表示)할 수 있도록 설정(設定)하고 또 시행(施行)되었다. 2보(二報), 3보(三報), 4보(四報)에서는 데이터 뱅크에 수집(蒐集) 및 축적(蓄積)된 데이터의 일반적(一般的)인 기술(記述)을 적시(摘示)하였다. (1) 과학(科學)과 기술(技術)의 정보유통(情報流通)에 있어서 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)의 역할(役割)(Garvey; 4보(報)) 국가적(國家的) 회합(會合)은 투고(投稿)와 이로 인한 잡지중(雜誌中) 게재간(揭載間)의 상대적(相對的)인 오랜 기간(期間)동안 이러한 연구(硏究)가 공개매체(公開媒體)로 인하여 일시적(一時的)이나마 게재여부(揭載如否)의 불명료성(不明瞭性)을 초래(招來)하기 전(前)에 과학연구(科學硏究)의 초기전파(初期傳播)를 위하여 먼저 행한 주요(主要) 사례(事例)와 마지막의 비정형매체(非定形媒體)의 양자(兩者)를 항상 조직화(組織化)하여 주는 전체적(全體的)인 유통과정(流通過程)에 있어서 명확(明確)하고도 중요(重要)한 기능(機能)을 갖는다는 것을 알 수 있었다. (2) 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)된 정보(情報)의 생산(生産)과 관련(關聯)되는 정보(情報)의 전파과정(傳播過程)(Garvey; 1보(報)). 이 연구(硏究)를 위해서 우리는 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)을 따라 많은 노력(努力)을 하였는데, 여기서 유통과정(流通過程)의 인상적(印象的)인 면목(面目)은 특별(特別)히 연구(硏究)로부터의 정보(情報)는 잡지(雜誌)에 게재(揭載)되기까지 진정으로는 공개적(公開的)이 못된다는 것과 이러한 사실(事實)은 선진연구(先進硏究)가 자주 시대(時代)에 뒤떨어지게 된다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 경험(經驗)이 많은 정보(情報)의 수요자(需要者)는 이러한 폐물화(廢物化)에 매우 민감(敏感)하며 자기(自己) 연구(硏究)에 당면한, 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완성(完成)된 연구(硏究)에 대하여 정보(情報)를 얻기 위한 모든 수단(手段)을 발견(發見)코자 하였다. 예를 들어, 이들은 잡지(雜誌)에 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)하기 전(前)에 발생(發生)하는 정보전파과정(情報傳播過程)을 통하여 유루(遺漏)될지도 모르는 정보(情報)를 얻기 위하여 한 잡지(雜誌)나 2차자료(二次資料) 또는 전형적(典型的)으로 이용(利用)되는 다른 잡지류중(雜誌類中)에서 당해정보(當該情報)가 발견(發見)되기를 기다리지 않는다는 것이다. (3) "정보생산 과학자(情報生産 科學者)"에 의한 정보전파(情報傳播)의 계속성(繼續性)(이 연구(硏究) 시리이즈의 결과(結果)는 본고(本稿)의 주내용(主內容)으로 되어 있다.) 1968/1969년(年)부터 1970/1971년(年)의 이년기간(二年期間)동안 보문(報文)을 낸 과학자(科學者)(1968/1969년(年) 잡지중(雜誌中)에 "질이 높은" 보문(報文)을 발표(發表)한)의 약 2/3는 1968/1969의 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 대상영역(對象領域)의 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續) 수행(遂行)하였다. 그래서 우리는 본연구(本硏究)에 오른 대부분(大部分)의 저자(著者)가 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學), 즉 연구수행중(硏究遂行中) 의문(疑問)에 대한 완전(完全)한 해답(解答)을 얻게 되는 가장 중요(重要)한 추구(追求)로서 Kuhn(제5보(第5報))에 의하여 기술(技術)된 방법(방법)으로 과학(연구)(科學(硏究))을 실행(實行)하였음을 알았다. 최근(最近)에 연구(硏究)를 마치고 그 결과(結果)를 보문(報文)으로서 발표(發表)한 이들 과학자(科學者)들은 다음 단계(段階)로 해야 할 사항(事項)에 대하여 선행(先行)된 동일견해(同一見解)를 가진 다른 연구자(硏究자)들의 연구(硏究)와 대상(對象)에 밀접(密接)하게 관련(關聯)되고 있다. 이 계속성(繼續性)의 효과(效果)에 대한 지표(指標)는 보문(報文)과 동일(同一)한 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)한 저자(著者)들의 약 3/4은 선행(先行) 보문(報文)에 기술(技術)된 연구결과(硏究結果)에서 직접적(直接的)으로 새로운 연구(硏究)가 유도(誘導)되었음을 보고(報告)한 사항(事項)에 반영(反映)되어 있다. 그렇지만 우리들의 데이터는 다음 영역(領域)으로 기대(期待)하지 않은 전환(轉換)을 일으킬 수도 있음을 보여주고 있다. 동일(同一) 대상(對象)에서 연구(硏究)를 속행(續行)하였던 저자(著者)들의 1/5 이상(以上)은 뒤에 새로운 영역(領域)으로 연구(硏究)를 전환(轉換)하였고 또한 이 영역(領域)에서 연구(硏究)를 계속(繼續)하였다. 연구영역(硏究領域)의 이러한 변화(變化)는 연구자(硏究者)의 일반(一般) 정보유통(情報流通) 패턴에 크게 변화(變化)를 보이지는 않는다. 즉 새로운 지적(知的) 문제(問題)에 대한 변화(變化)에서 야기(惹起)되는 패턴에 있어서 저자(著者)들은 오래된 문제(問題)의 방법(方法)과 기술(技術)을 새로운 문제(問題)로 맞추려 한다. 과학사(科學史)의 최근(最近) 해석(解釋)(Hanson: 6보(報))에서 예기(豫期)되었던 바와 같이 정상적(正常的)인 과학(科學)의 계속성(繼續性)은 항상 절대적(絶對的)이 아니며 "과학지식(科學知識)"의 첫발자욱은 예전 연구영역(硏究領域)의 대상(對象)에 관계(關係)없이 나타나는 다른 영역(領域)으로 내딛게 될지도 모른다. 우리들의 연구(硏究)에서 저자(著者)의 1/3은 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 대상(對象)에서 속계적(續繼的)인 연구(硏究)를 수행(遂行)치 않고 새로운 영역(領域)으로 옮아갔다. 우리는 이와 같은 데이터를 (a) 저자(著者)가 각개과학자(各個科學者)의 활동(活動)을 통하여 집중적(集中的)인 과학적(科學的) 노력(努力)을 시험(試驗)할 때 각자(各自)의 연구(硏究)에 대한 많은 양(量)의 계속성(繼續性)이 어떤 진보중(進步中)의 과학분야(科學分野)에서도 나타난다는 것과 (b) 이 계속성(繼續性)은 과학(科學)에 대한 집중적(集中的) 진보(進步)의 필요적(必要的) 특질(特質)이라는 것을 의미한다. 또한 우리는 이 계속성(繼續性)과 관련(關聯)되는 유통문제(流通問題)라는 새로운 대상영역(對象領域)으로 전환(轉換)할 때 연구(硏究)의 각단계(各段階)의 진보(進步)와 새로운 목적(目的)으로 전환시(轉換時) 양자(兩者)가 다 필요(必要)로 하는 각개(各個) 과학자(科學者)의 정보수요(情報需要)를 위한 시간(時間) 소비(消費)라는 것을 탐지(探知)할 수 있다. 이러한 관찰(觀察)은 정보(情報)의 선택제공(選擇提供)시스팀이 현재(現在) 필요(必要)로 하는 정보(情報)의 만족(滿足)을 위하여는 효과적(效果的)으로 매우 융통성(融通性)을 띠어야 한다는 것을 암시(暗示)하는 것이다. 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈에 기술(記述)된 전정보유통(全情報流通) 과정(過程)의 재검토(再檢討) 결과(結果)는 과학자(科學者)들이 항상 그들의 요구(要求)를 조화(調和)시키는 신축성(伸縮性)있는 유통체제(流通體制)를 발전(發展)시켜 왔다는 것을 시사(示唆)해 주고 있다. 이 시스팀은 정보전파(情報傳播) 사항(事項)을 중심(中心)으로 이루어 지며 또한 이 사항(事項)의 대부분(大部分)의 참여자(參與者)는 자기자신(自己自身)이 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)라는 기본적(基本的)인 정보전파체제(情報傳播體制)인 것이다. 그러나 이 과정(過程)의 유통행위(流通行爲)에서 살펴본 바와 같이 우리는 대부분(大部分)의 정보전파자(情報傳播者)가 역시 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)-다시 말해서 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산자(生産者)는 정보(情報)의 이용자(利用者)라는 것을 알 수 있다. 이 연구(硏究)에서 전형적(典型的)인 과학자((科學者)는 과학정보(科學情報)의 생산(生産)이나 전파(傳播)의 양자(兩者)에 연속적(連續的)으로 관계(關係)하고 있음을 보았다. 만일(萬一) 연구자(硏究者)가 한 편(編)의 연구(硏究)를 완료(完了)한다면 이 연구자(硏究者)는 다음에 무엇을 할 것이냐 하는 관념(觀念)을 갖게 되고 따라서 "완료(完了)된" 연구(硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)를 이용(利用)하여 동시(同時)에 새로운 일을 시작(始作)하게 된다. 예를 들어, 한 과학자(科學者)가 동일(同一) 영역(領域)의 다른 동료연구자(同僚硏究者)에게 완전(完全)하며 이의(異議)에 방어(防禦)할 수 있는 보고서(報告書)를 제공(提供)할 수 있는 단계(段階)에 도달(到達)하였다면 우리는 이 과학자(科學者)가 정보유통과정(情報流通過程)에서 많은 역할(役割)을 해낼 수 있다는 것을 알 것이다. 즉 이 과학자(科學者)는 다른 과학자(科學者)들에게 최신(最新)의 과학적(科學的) 결과(結果)를 제공(提供)할 때 하나의 과학정보(科學情報) 전파자(傳播者)가 되며, 이 연구(硏究)의 의의(意義)와 타당성(妥當性)에 관한 논평(論評)이나 비평(批評)을 동료(同僚)로부터 구(求)하는 관점(觀點)에서 보면 이 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보탐색자(情報探索者)가 된다. 또한 장래(將來)의 이용(利用)을 위하여 증정(贈呈)이나 동화(同化)한 이 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 받아 드렸을 때의 범주(範疇)에서 보면 (잡지(雜誌)에 투고(投稿)하기 위하여 원고(原稿)를 작성(作成)하는 경우에 있어서와 같이) 과학자(科學者)는 하나의 정보이용자(情報利用者)가 되고 이러한 모든 가능성(可能性)에서 정보생산자(情報生産者)는 다음 정보생산(情報生産)에 이미 들어가 있다고 볼 수 있다(저자(著者)들의 2/3는 보문(報文)이 게재(揭載)되기 전(前)에 이미 새로운 연구(硏究)를 시작(始作)하였다). 과학자(科學者)가 자기연구(自己硏究)를 마치고 예비보고서(豫備報告書)를 만든 후(後) 자기연구(自己硏究)에 관한 정보(情報)의 전파(傳播)를 계속하게 되는데 이와 관계(關係)되는 일반적(一般的)인 패턴을 보면 소수(少數)의 동료(同僚)그룹에 출석(出席)하는 경우 (예로 지역집담회)(地域集談會))와 대중(大衆) 앞에서 행(行)하는 경우(예로 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)) 등이 있다. 그러는 동안에 다양성(多樣性) 있는 성문보고서(成文報告書)가 이루어진다. 그러나 과학자(科學者)들이 자기연구(自己硏究)를 위한 주정보전파목표(主情報傳播目標)는 과학잡지중(科學雜誌中)에 게재(揭載)되는 보문(報文)이라는 것이 명확(明確)한 사실(事實)인 것이다. 이러한 목표(目標)에 도달(到達)할 때까지의 각(各) 정보전파단계(情報傳播段階)에서 과학자(科學者)들은 목표달성(目標達成)을 위하여 청중(聽衆), 자기동화(自己同化)된 정보(情報) 및 이미 이용(利用)된 정보(情報)로부터 피이드백을 탐색(探索)하게 된다. 우리가 본고(本稿)의 시리이즈중(中)에 표현(表現)하려 했던 바와 같이 이러한 활동(活動)은 조사수임자(調査受任者)의 의견(意見)이 원고(原稿)에 반영(反映)되고 또 그 원고(原稿)가 잡지게재(雜誌揭載)를 위해 수리(受理)될 때까지 계속적(繼續的)으로 정보(情報)를 탐색(探索)하는 과학자(科學者)나 기타(其他)사람들에게 효과적(效果的)이었다. 원고(原稿)가 수리(受理)되면 그 원고(原稿)의 저자(著者)들은 그 보문(報文)의 주내용(主內容)에 대하여 적극적(積極的)인 정보전파자(情報傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 종종 중지(中止)하는 일이 있는데 이때에는 저자(著者)들의 역할(役割)이 변화(變化)하는 것을 볼 수 있었다. 즉 이 저자(著者)들은 일시적(一時的)이긴 하나 새로운 일을 착수(着手)하기 위하여 정보(情報)의 동화자(同化者)를 찾게 된다. 또한 전(前)에 행한 일에 대한 의견(意見)이나 비평(批評)이 새로운 일에 영향(影響)을 끼치게 된다. 동시(同時)에 새로운 과학정보생산(科學情報生産) 과정(過程)에 들어가게 되고 현재(現在) 진행중(進行中)이거나 최근(最近) 완료(完了)한 연구(硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)를 항상 찾게 된다. 활발(活潑)한 연구(硏究)를 하는 과학자(科學者)들에게는, 동화자(同化者)로서의 역할(役割)과 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)을 분리(分離)시킨다는 것은 실제적(實際的)은 못된다. 즉 후자(後者)를 완성(完成)하기 위해서는 전자(前者)를 이용(利用)하게 된다는 것이다. 과학자(科學者)들은 한 단계(段階)에서 한 전파자(傳播者)로서의 역할(役割)이 뚜렷하나 다른 단계(段階)에서는 정보교환(情報交換)이 기본적(基本的)으로 정보동화(情報同化)에 직결(直結)되고 있는 것이다. 정보전파자(情報傳播者)와 정보동화자간(情報同化者間)의 상호관계(相互關係)(또는 정보생산자(情報生産者)와 정보이용자간(情報利用者間))는 과학(科學)에 있어서 하나의 필수양상(必修樣相)이다. 과학(科學)의 유통구조(流通構造)가 전파자(傳播者)(이용자(利用者)로서의 역할(役割)보다는)의 필요성(必要性)에서 볼 때 복잡(複雜)하고 다이나믹한 시스팀으로 구성(構成)된다는 사실(事實)은 과학(科學)의 발전과정(發展過程)에서 필연적(必然的)으로 나타난다. 이와 같은 사실(事實)은 과학정보(科學情報)의 전파요원(傳播要員)이 국가적 회합(國家的 會合)에서 자기연구(自己硏究)에 대한 정보(情報)의 전파기회(傳播機會)를 거절(拒絶)하고 따라서 전파정보(電波情報)를 판단(判斷)하고 선별(選別)하는 것을 감소(減少)시키며 결과적(結果的)으로 잡지(雜誌)나 단행본(單行本)에서 비평(批評)을 하고 추고(推敲)하는 것이 배제(排除)될 때는 유형적(有形的) 과학(科學)은 급속(急速)히 비과학성(非科學性)을 띠게 된다는 것을 Lysenko의 생애(生涯)에 대한 Medvedev의 기술중(記述中)[7]에 지적(指摘)한 것과 관계(關係)되고 있다.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.1-33
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• 2019

The small and medium sized enterprises (hereinafter SMEs) are already at a competitive disadvantaged when compared to large companies with more abundant resources. Manufacturing SMEs not only need a lot of information needed for new product development for sustainable growth and survival, but also seek networking to overcome the limitations of resources, but they are faced with limitations due to their size limitations. In a new era in which connectivity increases the complexity and uncertainty of the business environment, SMEs are increasingly urged to find information and solve networking problems. In order to solve these problems, the government funded research institutes plays an important role and duty to solve the information asymmetry problem of SMEs. The purpose of this study is to identify the differentiating characteristics of SMEs that utilize the public information support infrastructure provided by SMEs to enhance the innovation capacity of SMEs, and how they contribute to corporate performance. We argue that we need an infrastructure for providing information support to SMEs as part of this effort to strengthen of the role of government funded institutions; in this study, we specifically identify the target of such a policy and furthermore empirically demonstrate the effects of such policy-based efforts. Our goal is to help establish the strategies for building the information supporting infrastructure. To achieve this purpose, we first classified the characteristics of SMEs that have been found to utilize the information supporting infrastructure provided by government funded institutions. This allows us to verify whether selection bias appears in the analyzed group, which helps us clarify the interpretative limits of our study results. Next, we performed mediator and moderator effect analysis for multiple variables to analyze the process through which the use of information supporting infrastructure led to an improvement in external networking capabilities and resulted in enhancing product competitiveness. This analysis helps identify the key factors we should focus on when offering indirect support to SMEs through the information supporting infrastructure, which in turn helps us more efficiently manage research related to SME supporting policies implemented by government funded institutions. The results of this study showed the following. First, SMEs that used the information supporting infrastructure were found to have a significant difference in size in comparison to domestic R&D SMEs, but on the other hand, there was no significant difference in the cluster analysis that considered various variables. Based on these findings, we confirmed that SMEs that use the information supporting infrastructure are superior in size, and had a relatively higher distribution of companies that transact to a greater degree with large companies, when compared to the SMEs composing the general group of SMEs. Also, we found that companies that already receive support from the information infrastructure have a high concentration of companies that need collaboration with government funded institution. Secondly, among the SMEs that use the information supporting infrastructure, we found that increasing external networking capabilities contributed to enhancing product competitiveness, and while this was no the effect of direct assistance, we also found that indirect contributions were made by increasing the open marketing capabilities: in other words, this was the result of an indirect-only mediator effect. Also, the number of times the company received additional support in this process through mentoring related to information utilization was found to have a mediated moderator effect on improving external networking capabilities and in turn strengthening product competitiveness. The results of this study provide several insights that will help establish policies. KISTI's information support infrastructure may lead to the conclusion that marketing is already well underway, but it intentionally supports groups that enable to achieve good performance. As a result, the government should provide clear priorities whether to support the companies in the underdevelopment or to aid better performance. Through our research, we have identified how public information infrastructure contributes to product competitiveness. Here, we can draw some policy implications. First, the public information support infrastructure should have the capability to enhance the ability to interact with or to find the expert that provides required information. Second, if the utilization of public information support (online) infrastructure is effective, it is not necessary to continuously provide informational mentoring, which is a parallel offline support. Rather, offline support such as mentoring should be used as an appropriate device for abnormal symptom monitoring. Third, it is required that SMEs should improve their ability to utilize, because the effect of enhancing networking capacity through public information support infrastructure and enhancing product competitiveness through such infrastructure appears in most types of companies rather than in specific SMEs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.20-37
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• 2012

After withdrawal of military troops of Chinese Tang dynasty in the 18th year of King Moon-moo's reign(678), the Silla Kingdom had actually unified the Korean peninsula and had divided the territory into 9 states benchmarking the China's local administrations adjustment system. He had established local administrative units by deploying secondary capitals, counties and prefectures in the nine states. The so-called "9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" are what constitutes the local administrations system. The provinces can be compared to current provinces of the Republic of Korea(hereinafter Korea), and secondary capitals to megalopolises. According to a chapter of the Samkuksaki(三?史記) which had recorded the achievements of king Kyoungdeok in December in his 16th year on the throne(757), the local administrative units had amounted to 5 secondary capitals, 117 counties and 293 prefectures. There are still lots of ambiguous points since there have never been any consultation on locations of provinces and secondary capitals' castles, and on structures of cities because the researches for local cities inside the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals in the Unified Silla Kingdom has been conducted centering on the historic literatures only. The research for restoring structures of cities seen from an archeological perspective are limited to the studies of Taewoo Park("A study on the local cities in the Unified Kingdom Age" 1987) and that of the author("A study on the restoration of planned cities for the Unified Silla Kingdom in terms of the structures and realities of the castles in the 9 Provinces and 5 Secondary capitals" 2009). The Gangneung city of Gangwon province was originally called Haseoryang(河西良) of the Gogureo Kingdom as an ancient nation of Ye(濊). According to "Samkuksaki", it had evolved from Haseoju(河西州) to a secondary capitals in the 8th year of King Seonduk(639). Afterwards, it had been renamed as Myeongju(溟洲) in the 16th year of King Kyoungduk(757), and then several other names were given to it after Goryo dynasty. Taewoo Park claims that it is being defined as a sanctuary remaining in Myoungjudong because of the vestige of bare castle, and this cannot be ascertained due to the on-going urbanization processes. Also, the Kwandong university authority is suggesting an opinion of regarding Myeongju mountain castle located 3 Kms southwest of the center of Gangwon city as commanding post for the pertinent state. The author has restored the pertinent area into a city composed of villages within a lattice framework like Silla Keumkyoung and many other cities. The structure is depicted next. The downtown of Gangneung is situated on a flat terrain at the west bank of Namdaecheon stream flowing southwest to northeast along the inner area of the city. Though there isn't any hill comparatively higher than others in the vicinity, hills are continuously linked east to west along the northern area of the downtown, and the maximum width of flat terrain is about 1 Km and is not so large. Currently, urbanization is being proceeded into the inner portion of Gangneung city, the lands in all directions from the hub of Gangneung station have been readjusted, and thus previous land-zoning program is almost nullified. However, referring to the topographic chart drawn at the time of Japanese colonial rule, it can be validated that land-zoning program to accord the lattice framework with the length of its one side equaling to 190m leaves its vestige about 0.8Km northwest to southeast and about 1.7Km northeast to southwest of the vicinity of Okcheondong, Imdangdong, Geumhakdong, Myeongjudong, and etcetera which comprize the hub of the downtown. The land-zoning vestige within the lattice framework, compared to other cases related with the '9 states and 5 secondary capitals', is very much likely to be that of the Unified Silla Kingdom. That the length of a side of a lattice framework is 190m as opposed to that of Silla Geumkyoung and other cities with their 140m or 160m long sides is a single survey item in the future. The baseline direction for zoning the lands is tilting approximately 37.5 degrees west of northwest to southeast axis in accordance with the topographic features. It seems that this phenomenon takes place because of the direction of Namdaecheon and the geographic constraints of the hills in the north. Reviewing minimally, a rectangular size of zoned land by 4 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 7 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side had been restored within a lattice framework. Otherwise, considering the extent of expansion of the existing zoned lands in the lattice framework and one more Pang(坊) being added to each side, it is likely that the size could have been with 5 Pangs(坊) on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 8 Pangs(坊) on the northeast to southwest side(950 M on the northwest to southeast side multiplied by 1,520m on the northeast to southwest side). The overall shape is rectangle, but land-zoning programs reminiscent of rebuilt roads(red phoenix road) like Jang-an castle(長安城) of Chinese Tang dynasty or Pyoungseong castle(平城城) in Japan is not to be validated. There are some historic items among the roof tiles and earthen wares excavated at local administrative office sites or Gangneung's town castle in Joseon dynasty inside the area assumed to be containing municipal vestiges even though archeological survey for the vestige of Myeongju has not been made yet, and these items deserve dating back to the Unified Silla Kingdom age. Also, all of the construction sites at local administrative authorities of the Joseon dynasty are showing large degrees of slant in the azimuth. This is a circumstantial evidence indicating the fact that the inherited land-zoning programs to be seen in Gangneung in terms of the lattice framework had ever existed in the past. Also, the author does not decline that Myeongju mountain castle had once been the commanding post when reviewing the roof tiles at the edge of eaves in this stronghold. The ancient municipal castles in the Korean peninsula are composed of castles on the flat terrain as well as hilly areas and the cluster of strongholds like Myounghwal, Namhan, Seohyoung mountain castles built around municipal castle of Geumkyoung based on a lattice framework program. Considering that mountain castles are spread in the vicinity of municipal vestiges in other cities other than the 9 states and 5 secondary capitals, it is estimated that Myeongju was assuming the function of commanding post incorporating cities on the flat terrain and castles on the hills.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.10
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• pp.69-100
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• 1968

1. In order to investigate on the microflora and enzyme activity of mold wheat 'Nuruk' , the major source of microorganisms for the brewing of Takju (a Korean Sake), two samples of Nuruk, one prepared at the College of Agriculture, Chung Nam University (S) and the other perchased at a market (T), were taken for the study. The molds, aerobic bacteria, lactic acid bacteria, and yeasts were examined and counted. The yeasts were classified by the treatment with TTC (2, 3, 5 triphenyltetrazolium chloride) agar that yields a varied shade of color. The amylase and protease activities of Nuruk were measured. The results were as the followings. a) In the Nuruk S found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $204{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $163{\times}10^5$; Rhizogus, $20{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $134{\times}10^5$; Areobic bacteria, $9{\times}10^6-2{\times}10^7$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ In the Nuruk T found were: Aspergillus oryzae group, $836{\times}10^5$; Black Aspergilli, $286{\times}10^5$; Rhizopus, $623{\times}10^5$; Penicillia, $264{\times}10^5$; Aerobic bacteria, $5{\times}10^6-9{\times}10^6$; Lactic acid bacteria, $3{\times}10^4$ b) Eighty to ninety percent of the aerobic bacteria in Nuruk S appeared to belong to Bacillus subtilis while about 70% of those in Nuruk T seemed to be spherical bacteria. In both Nuruks about 80% of lactic acid bacteria were observed as spherical ones. c) The population of yeasts in 1g. of Nuruk S was about $6{\times}10^5$, 56.5% of which were TTC pink yeasts, 16% of which were TTC red pink yeasts, 8% of which were TTC red yeasts, 19.5% of which were TTC white yeasts. In Nuruk T(1g) the number of yeasts accounted for $14{\times}10^4$ and constituted of 42% TTC pink. 21% TTC red pink 28% TTC red and 9% TTC white. d) The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk S was: Liquefying type Amylase, $D^{40}/_{30},=256$ W.V. Saccharifying type Amylase, 43.32 A.U. Acid protease, 181 C.F.U. Alkaline protease, 240C.F.U. The enzyme activity of 1g Nuruk T was: Liquefying type Amylase $D^{40}/_{30},=32$ W.V. Saccharifying type amylase $^{30}34.92$ A.U. Acid protease, 138 C.F.U. Alkaline protease 31 C.F.U. 2. During the fermentation of 'Takju' employing the Nuruks S and T the microflora and enzyme activity throughout the brewing were observed in 12 hour intervals. TTC pink and red yeasts considered to be the major yeasts were isolated and cultured. The strains ($1{\times}10^6/ml$) were added to the mashes S and T in which pH was adjusted to 4.2 and the change of microflora was examined during the fermentation. The results were: a) The molds disappeared from each sample plot since 2 to 3 days after mashing while the population of aerobic bacteria was found to be $10{\times}10^7-35{\times}10^7/ml$ inS plots and $8.2{\times}10^7-12{\times}10^7$ in plots. Among them the coccus propagated substantially until some 30 hours elasped in the S and T plots treated with lactic acid but decreased abruptly thereafter. In the plots of SP. SR. TP. and TR the coccus had not appeared from the beginning while the bacillus showed up and down changes in number and diminished by 1/5-1/10 the original at the end stage. b) The lactic acid bacteria observed in the S plot were about $7.4{\times}10^7$ in number per ml of the mash in 24 hours and increased up to around $2{\times}10^8$ until 3-4 days since. After this period the population decreased rapidly and reached about $4{\times}10^5$ at the end, In the plot T the lactic acid becteria found were about $3{\times}10^8$ at the period of 24 fours, about $3{\times}10$ in 3 days and about $2{\times}10^5$ at the end in number. In the plots SP. SR. TP, and TR the lactic acid bacteria observed were as less as $4{\times}10^5$ at the stage of 24 hours and after this period the organisms either remained unchanged in population or ceased to exist. c) The maiority of lactic acid bacteria found in each mash were spherical and the change in number displayed a tendency in accordance with the amount of lactic acid and alcohol produced in the mash. d) The yeasts had showed a marked propagation since the period of 24 hours when the number was about $2{\times}10^8$ ㎖ mash in the plot S. $4{\times}10^8$ in 48 hours and $5-7{\times}10^8$ in the end period were observed. In the plot T the number was $4{\times}10^8$ in 24 hours and thereafter changed up and down maintaining $2-5{\times}10^8$ in the range. e) Over 90% of the yeasts found in the mashes of S and T plots were TTC pink type while both TTC red pink and TTC red types held range of $2{\times}10-3{\times}10^7$ throughout the entire fermentation. f) The population of TTC pink yeasts in the plot SP was as $5{\times}10^8$ much as that is, twice of that of S plot at the period of 24 hours. The predominance in number continued until the middle and later stages but the order of number became about the same at the end. g) Total number of the yeasts observed in the plot SR showed little difference from that of the plot SP. The TTC red yeasts added appeared considerably in the early stage but days after the change in number was about the same as that of the plot S. In the plot TR the population of TTC red yeasts was predominant over the T plot in the early stage which there was no difference between two plots there after. For this reason even in the plot w hers TTC red yeasts were added TTC pink yeasts were predominant. TTC red yeasts observed in the present experiment showed continuing growth until the later stage but the rate was low. h) In the plot TP TTC pink yeasts were found to be about $5{\times}10^8$ in number at the period of 2 days and inclined to decrease thereafter. Compared with the plot T the number of TTC pink yeasts in the plot TP was predominant until the middle stage but became at the later stage. i) The productivity of alcohol in the mash was measured. The plot where TTC pink yeasts were added showed somewhat better yield in the earely stage but at and after the middle stage the difference between the yeast-added and the intact mashes was not recognizable. And the production of alcohol was not proportional to the total number of yeasts present. j) Activity of the liquefying amylase was the highest until 12 hours after mashing, somewhat lowered once after that, and again increased around 36-48 hours after mashing. Then the activity had decreased continuously. Activity of saccharifying amylase also decreased at the period of 24 hours and then increased until 48 hours when it reached the maximum. Since, the activity had gradually decreased until 72 hours and rapidly so did thereafter. k) Activity of alkaline protease during the fermentation of mash showed a tendency to decrease continusously although somewhat irregular. Activity of acid protease increased until hours at the maximum, then decreased rapidly, and again increased, the vigor of acid protease showed better shape than that of alkaline protease throughout. 3. TTC pink yeasts that were predominant in number, two strains of TTC red pink yeasts that appeared throughout the brewing, and TTC red yeasts were identified and the physiological characters examined. The results were as described below. a) TTC pinkyeasts (B-50P) and two strains of TTC red pink yeasts (B-54 RP & B-60 RP) w ere identified as the type of Saccharomyces cerevisiae and TTC pink red yeasts CB-53 R) were as the type of Hansenula subpelliculosa. b) The fermentability of four strains above mentioned were measured as follows. Two strains of TTC red pink yeasts were the highest, TTC pink yeasts were the lowest in the fermantability. The former three strains were active in the early stage of fermentation and found to be suitable for manufacturing 'Takju' TTC red yeasts were found to play an important role in Takju brewing due to its strong ability to produce esters although its fermentability was low. c) The tolerance against nitrous acid of strains of yeast was marked. That against lactic acid was only 3% in Koji extract, and TTC red yeasts showed somewhat stronger resistance. The tolerance against alcohol of TTC pink and red pink yeasts in the Hayduck solution was 7% while that in the malt extract was 13%. However, that of TTC red yeasts was much weaker than others. Liguefying activity of gelatin by those four strains of yeast was not recognized even in 40 days. 4. Fermentability during Takju brewing was shown in the first two days as much as 70-80% of total fermentation and around 90% of fermentation proceeded in 3-4 days. The main fermentation appeared to be completed during :his period. Productivity of alcohol during Takju brewing was found to be apporximately 65% of the total amount of starch put in mashing. 5. The reason that Saccharomyces coreanuss found be Saito in the mash of Takju was not detected in the present experiment is considered due to the facts that Aspergillus oryzae has been inoculated in the mold wheat (Nuruk) since around 1930 and also that Koji has been used in Takju brewing, consequently causing they complete change in microflora in the Takju brewing. This consideration will be supported by the fact that the original flavor and taste have now been remarkably changed.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.9
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• pp.125-147
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• 1968

This experiment was carried out as a part of the studies on reasonable application of nitrogen in rice plant to determine: (I) Nitrogen absorption. and rooting of rice seedlings as affected by urea foliar application at late seedling stage (II) Effect of leaf prunning and foliar application of urea at late heading stage on the maturation and yield of rice (III) Effect of foliar application of urea and its time during the stage of ear formation on yield of rice plant. Results obtained are summarized as follows. Exp.I: Nitrogen absorption and rooting of rice seedlings as affected be urea foliar application at late seedling stage. 1 : The foliar application of urea plots$(T_{1},T_2)$ snowed mare N-content than non-urea foliar application plot(T0) at lane seedling stage, being significant among treatments and foliar application of urea seemed more effective in increasing the N-content of seedlings. and promoted root settlement and early growth alter the transplanting. 2 : The carbon contents of the plants of $T_1$, and $T_2$ at late seedling stage increased than T0, and the carbon contents. of $T_1$ and $T_2$ plots became higher in amount in proportion to the nitrogen absorption as compared with those of $T_0$. 3 : C/N ratio appeared significant among soil application plots($N_1, \;N_2$) and foliar application of urea plots ($T_1$, $T_2$ and $T_0$). C/N ratio was lower in case of increased amount of nitrogen. The higher contents of nitrogen and carbon and lower C/N ratio resulted in the increment of root numbers and root lengths. Exp.II: Effect of leaf prunning and foliar application of urea at late heading stage on the maturation and yield of rice. 1 : There was a highly significant decrease in the maturing rate by severe leaf prunning. In the mean time, significant increase in maturing rate was observed with urea foliar application and it was found the more frequent application the more effective for higher maturing rate with a moderate significance. A correlationship between the level of prunning and maturing rate was enumerated to 0.961 of correlation coefficient, which indicated an increased maturing rate by the increased number of remaining leaves. 2 : The 1.000 grain weight, grain weight and hulled rice yield increased by leaf prunning in order (plot a$A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 89.8%, 89.4%, 87.8% and 87.5% respectively, showing the highest of rate in $A_1$ and $A_3$ in methods of ear fertilization and being highly significant between its treatment. 3 : 1000 grain weights were highly significant between time of application, showing a tendency of increase of weights with the time lagging until days before earings as that of maturing rates. High significance was recognized between methods of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $A_2$ 23.18 gr. 4 : Yields per $3.3m^2$ were not significant between time of ear fertilization, whereas were highly significant between methods of ear fertilization. Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 1.486 kg, 1.491 kg, 1.381 kg and 1.328 kg, respectively, showing the highest in $A_1$ and $A_3$. 5 : Hulling ratios showed significant different between time of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $T_2$, whereas those of methods of ear fertilization were highly significant between its treatment, Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 84.72%, 84.06%, 83.29%, and 82.56% respectively, showing the highest m $A_2$ and $A_3$ among others. 6 : Yields of hulled rice per $3.3m^2$ showed significant different between time of ear fertilization, showing the highest in $T_1$ 1.192 kg. Whereas, those were highly significant between methods of ear fertilization. Those of $A_1$, $A_3$, $A_2$ and $A_0$ were 1.259 kg, 1.254 kg, 1.149 kg and 1.095 kg, respectively, showing the highest in $A_1$ and $A_2$. 7 : Contents of nitrogen on rice plant increased in case of nitrogen application as ear fertilizer and showed that the case of urea foliar application was more effective than that of soil application, showing the increased nitrogen content of rice plant was accompanied by carbon content.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.