• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.277-294
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• 1995

Background: The prevalence of tuberculosis in Korea decreased remarkably for the past 30 years, while the incidence of disease caused by mycobacteria other than tuberculosis is unknown. Korean Academy of Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases performed national survey to estimate the incidence of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis in Korea. We analyzed the clinical data of confirmed cases for the practice of primary care physicians and pulmonary specialists. Methods: The period of study was from January 1981 to October 1994. We collected the data retrospectively by correspondence with physicians in the hospitals that referred the specimens to Korean Institute of Tuberculosis, The Korean National Tuberculosis Association for the detection of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis. In confirmed cases, we obtained the records for clinical, laboratory and radiological findings in detail using protocols. Results: 1) Mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were confirmed that 1 case was in 1981, 2 cases in 1982, 4 cases in 1983, 2 cases in 1984, 5 cases in 1985, 1 case in 1986, 3 cases in 1987, 1 case in 1988, 6 cases in 1989, 9 cases in 1990, 14 cases in 1990, 10 cases in 1992, 4 cases in 1993, and 96 cases in 1994. Cases since 1990 were 133 cases(84.2%) of a total. 2) Fifty seven percent of patients were in the age group of over 60 years. The ratio of male to female patients was 2.6:1. 3) The distribution of hospitals in Korea showed that 61 cases(38.6%) were referred from Double Cross Clinic, 42 cases(26.6%) from health centers, 21 cases(13.3%) from tertiary referral hospitals, 15 cases(9.5%) from secondary referral hospitals, and 10 cases(6.3%) from primary care hospitals. The area distribution in Korea revealed that 98 cases(62%) were in Seoul, 17 cases(10.8%) in Gyeongsangbuk-do, 12 cases(7.6%) in Kyongki-do, 8 cases(5.1%) in Chungchongnam-do, each 5 cases(3.2%) in Gyeongsangnam-do and Chungchongbuk-do, 6 cases(3.8%) in other areas. 4) In the species of isolated mycobacteria other than tuberculosis, M. avium-intracellulare was found in 104 cases(65.2%), M. fortuitum in 20 cases(12.7%), M. chelonae in 15 cases(9.5%), M. gordonae in 7 cases(4.4%), M. terrae in 5 cases(3.2%), M. scrofulaceum in 3 cases(1.9%), M. kansasii and M. szulgai in each 2 cases(1.3%), and M. avium-intracellulare coexisting with M. terrae in 1 case(0.6%). 5) In pre-existing pulmonary diseases, pulmonary tuberculosis was 113 cases(71.5%), bronchiectasis 6 cases(3.8%), chronic bronchitis 10 cases(6.3%), and pulmonary fibrosis 6 cases(3.8%). The timing of diagnosis as having pulmonary tuberculosis was within 1 year in 7 cases(6.2%), 2~5 years ago in 32 cases(28.3%), 6~10 years ago in 29 cases(25.7%), 11~15 years ago in 16 cases(14.2%), 16~20 years ago in 15 cases (13.3%), and 20 years ago in 14 cases(12.4%). Duration of anti-tuberculous treatment was within 3 months in 6 cases(5.3%), 4~6 months in 17 cases(15%), 7~9 months in 16 cases(14.2%), 10~12 months in 11 cases(9.7%), 1~2 years in 21 cases(18.6%), and over 2 years in 8 cases(7.1%). The results of treatment were cure in 44 cases(27.9%) and failure in 25 cases(15.8%). 6) Associated extra-pulmonary diseases were chronic liver disease coexisting with chronic renal failure in 1 case(0.6%), diabetes mellitus in 9 cases(5.7%), cardiovascular diseases in 2 cases(1.3%), long-term therapy with steroid in 2 cases(1.3%) and chronic liver disease, chronic renal failure, colitis and pneumoconiosis in each 1 case(0.6%). 7) The clinical presentations of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were 86 cases (54.4%) of chronic pulmonary infections, 1 case(0.6%) of cervical or other site lymphadenitis, 3 cases(1.9%) of endobronchial tuberculosis, and 1 case(0.6%) of intestinal tuberculosis. 8) The symptoms of patients were cough(62%), sputum(61.4%), dyspnea(30.4%), hemoptysis or blood-tinged sputum(20.9%), weight loss(13.3%), fever(6.3%), and others(4.4%). 9) Smear negative with culture negative cases were 24 cases(15.2%) in first examination, 27 cases(17.1%) in second one, 22 cases(13.9%) in third one, and 17 cases(10.8%) in fourth one. Smear negative with culture positive cases were 59 cases(37.3%) in first examination, 36 cases (22.8%) in second one, 24 cases(15.2%) in third one, and 23 cases(14.6%) in fourth one. Smear positive with culture negative cases were 1 case(0.6%) in first examination, 4 cases(2.5%) in second one, 1 case (0.6%) in third one, and 2 cases(1.3%) in fourth one. Smear positive with culture positive cases were 48 cases(30.4%) in first examination, 34 cases(21.5%) in second one, 34 cases(21.5%) in third one, and 22 cases(13.9%) in fourth one. 10) The specimens isolated mycobacteria other than tuberculosis were sputum in 143 cases (90.5%), sputum and bronchial washing in 4 cases(2.5%), bronchial washing in 1 case(0.6%). 11) Drug resistance against all species of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis were that INH was 62%, EMB 55.7%, RMP 52.5%, PZA 34.8%, OFX 29.1%, SM 36.7%, KM 27.2%, TUM 24.1%, CS 23.4%, TH 34.2%, and PAS 44.9%. Drug resistance against M. avium-intracellulare were that INH was 62.5%, EMB 59.6%, RMP 51.9%, PZA 29.8%, OFX 33.7%, SM 30.8%, KM 20.2%, TUM 17.3%, CS 14.4%, TH 31.7%, and PAS 38.5%. Drug resistance against M. chelonae were that INH was 66.7%, EMB 66.7%, RMP 66.7%, PZA 40%, OFX 26.7%, SM 66.7%, KM 53.3%, TUM 53.3%, CS 60%, TH 53.3%, and PAS 66.7%. Drug resistance against M. fortuitum were that INH was 65%, EMB 55%, RMP 65%, PZA 50%, OFX 25%, SM 55%, KM 45%, TUM 55%, CS 65%, TH 45%, and PAS 60%. 12) The activities of disease on chest roentgenogram showed that no active disease was 7 cases(4.4%), mild 20 cases(12.7%), moderate 67 cases(42.4%), and severe 47 cases(29.8%). Cavities were found in 43 cases(27.2%) and pleurisy in 18 cases(11.4%). 13) Treatment of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis was done in 129 cases(81.7%). In cases treated with the first line anti-tuberculous drugs, combination chemotherapy including INH and RMP was done in 86 cases(66.7%), INH or RMP in 30 cases(23.3%), and not including INH and RMP in 9 cases(7%). In 65 cases treated with the second line anti-tuberculous drugs, combination chemotherapy including below 2 drugs were in 2 cases(3.1%), 3 drugs in 15 cases(23.1%), 4 drugs in 20 cases(30.8%), 5 drugs in 9 cases(13.8%), and over 6 drugs in 19 cases (29.2%). The results of treatment were improvement in 36 cases(27.9%), no interval changes in 65 cases(50.4%), aggravation in 4 cases(3.1%), and death in 4 cases(3.1%). In improved 36 cases, 34 cases(94.4%) attained negative conversion of mycobacteria other than tuberculosis on cultures. The timing in attaining negative conversion on cultures was within 1 month in 2 cases(1.3%), within 3 months in 11 cases(7%), within 6 months in 14 eases(8.9%), within 1 year in 2 cases(1.3%) and over 1 year in 1 case(0.6%). Conclusion: Clinical, laboratory and radiological findings of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis were summarized. This collected datas will assist in the more detection of mycobacterial diseases other than tuberculosis in Korea in near future.

• The Korean Journal of Pharmacology
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.115-134
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• 1989

Combined effects of ganciclovir (GCV) and vidarabine (ara-A) on the replication, DNA synthesis, and gene expression of wild type-1 herpes simplex virus (HSV-1) and three acyclovir (ACV)-resistant HSV-1 mutants were studied. These mutants include a virus expressing no thymidine kinase $(ACV^r)$, a virus expressing thymidine kinase with altered substrate specificity $(IUdR^r)$, and a mutant expressing altered DNA polymerase $(PAA^r5)$. GCV, an agent activated by herpesvirus specific thymidine kinase, showed potent antiviral activity against the wild type HSV-1(KOS) and DNA polymerase mutant $(PAA^r5)$. The ACV-resistant mutants with thymidine kinase gene $(ACV^r\;and\;IUdR^r)$ were resistant to GCV. All tested wild type HSV-1 or ACV-resistant HSV-1 mutants did not display resistance to vidarabine (are-A). Combined GCV and ara-A showed potentiating synergistic antiviral activity against wild type KOS and $PAA^r5$, and showed subadditive combnined ativiral activity against thymidine kinase mutants. Combined GCV and ara-A more significantly inhibited the viral DNA synthesis in wild type KOS and $PAA^r5-infected$ cells to a greater extent than either agent alone, but the synergism was not determined in $ACV^r$ or $IUdR^r-infected$ cells. These data clearly indicate that combined GCV and ara-A therapy might be useful for the treatment of infections caused by wild type HSV-1 or ACV-resistant HSV-1 with DNA polymerase mutation. ACV-resistant viruses with the mutation in thymidine kinase gene are also, resistant to GCV, but susecptible to ara-A, indicating that ara-A would the drug of choice for the treatment of ACV-resistant HSV-1 which does not express thymidine kinase or expresses thymidine kinase with altered substrate specificity. While the synthesis of viral ${\alpha}-proteins$ of wild type HSV-1 was not affected by ACV, GCV, ara-A, or combined GCV and ara-A, the synthesis of ${\beta}-proteins$ was slightly but significantly increased at the later stage of viral infection by the antiviral agents. The synthesis of ${\gamma}-proteins$ of wild type HSV- 1 was significantly inhibited by ACV, GCV, ara-A, and combined GCV and ara-A. Combined GCV $(5-{\mu}M)$ and ara-A $(100-{\mu}M)$ also significantly altered the expression of viral ${\beta}-and$ ${\gamma}-proteins$, of which efffct was similar to that of GCV $(10-{\mu}M)$ alone. Although ACV at the concentration of $10-{\mu}M$ did not alter the expression of ${\alpha}-$, ${\beta}-$, and ${\gamma}-proteins$ of ACV-resistant $PAA^r5$, GCV and ara-A significantly alter the epression of ${\beta}-and$ ${\gamma}-proteins$, not ${\alpha}-protein$, as same manner as they altered the expression of those proteins in cells inffcted with wild type HSV-1. Combined GCV $(5-{\mu}M)$ and ara-A $(100-{\mu}M)$ altered the expression ${\beta}-and$ ${\gamma}-proteins$ in $PAA^r5$ infected cells, and the effect of combined regimen was comparable of that of GCV $(10-{\mu}M)$. These data indicate that the alteration in the expression of ${\beta}-and$ ${\gamma}-proteins$ in wild type HSV-1 or $PAA^r5$ infected cells could be more significantly affected by combined GCV and are-A than individual GCV or ara-A. In view of the fact that (a) viral ${\alpha}-$, ${\beta}-$, and ${\gamma}-proteins$ are synthesized in a cascade manner; (b) ${\beta}-proteins$ are essential for the synthesis of viral DNA; (c) the synthesis of ${\beta}-proteins$ are inhibited by ${\gamma}-proteins$; and (d) most ${\gamma}-proteins$ are made from the newly synthesized progeny virus, it is suggested that GCV and ara-A, alone or in combination, primarily inhibit the synthesis of viral DNA, and by doing so might exhibit their antiherpetic activity. The alteration in viral protein synthesis in the presence of tested antiviral agents could result from the alteration in viral DNA synthesis. From the present study, it can be concluded that (a) combined GCV and ara-A therapy would be beneficial for the control of inffctions caused by wild type HSV-1 or ACV-resistant DNA polymerase mutants; (b) the combined synergistic activity of GCV and ara-A is due to further decrease in the viral DNA by the combined regimen; (c) ara-A is the drug of choice for the infection caused by ACV-resistant HSV-1 with thymidine kinase mutation; and (d) the alteration in viral protein synthesis by GCV and ars-A, alone or in combination, is mostly due to the decreased synthesis of viral DAN.

• The korean journal of orthodontics
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• v.29 no.4 s.75
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• pp.467-481
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• 1999

Cleft lip and/or palate is one of the most common congenital craniofacial anomalies. According to previous epidemiologic studies, incidence of cleft lip and/or palate has been increasing nowadays. However, there is no report about epidemiologic study of cleft lip and/or palate patients who visited dept. of orthodontics in Korea. So the purpose of this study was to provide the epidemiological characteristics and important basic clinical data for the diagnosis and the treatment of the cleft lip and/or palate patients. With the orthodontic and cleft charts, diagnostic models and X-ray films from 250 patients with cleft lip and/or palate who visited Dept. of Orthodontics, Seoul National University Dental Hospital during the last 11 years, the authors investigated patient's visiting yew, types of cleft, patient's gender, and Angle's classification of malocclusion, and surgery timing. The results were as follows ; 1. The number of cleft patients who visited Dept. of Orthodontics, SNUDH increased during 1988-1990 and then it declined until 1992. From 1993 to 1996, it showed a stationary trend. After 1997 it showed an overwhelmingly increasing trend. 2. In the cleft type, the ratio of cleft lip cleft lip and alveolus cleft palate : cleft lip and palate was 7.6:19.2:9.6:63.6. In cleft position, unilateral clefts were more than bilateral ones (cleft lip 79:21, cleft lip and alveolus 77:23, cleft lip and palate 75.5:24.5). In cleft side, left clefts were mote than right clefts (cleft lip 53.3:46.7 cleft lip and alveolus 59.5:40.5, cleft lip and palate 59.2:40.8). 3. In gender ratio, males were more than females in cleft lip (57.9:42.1), cleft lip and alveolus (68.8:31.2) and cleft lip and palate (76.1:23.9). But in cleft Palate females were more than males as 41.7: 58.3. 4. In the age groups, 7-12 year group was the most abundant as $52\%$, and then 0-6 year group ($20.4\%$), 13-18 year group ($17.2\%$), more than 18 yew group ($10.4\%$) were followed as descending order. 5. Most of the cleft lip repair surgeries were operated in 0-3 month ($60.3\%$) and 4-6 month ($17.9\%$). 6. The cleft palate repair surgeries were done in 1-2 year ($31.7\%$), 0-1 year ($25.6\%$), 2-3 year ($12.1\%$), more than 5 year ($11.6\%$) as descending order. 7. The lip scar revision surgeries were done before admission at elementary school in $60\%$. (4-6 you ($27.5\%$), 6-8 year ($19.6\%$), more than 10 year ($19.6\%$), 2-4 year ($13.7\%$) as descending order) 8. The rhinoplasties were done before admission at elementary school in $51.7\%$. (0-2 year ($7.1\%$), 2-4 year ($14.3\%$), 4-6 year ($21.4\%$), 6-8 year ($14.3\%$)). 9. The pharyngeal flap were done at 6 Y (72.5 months) after birth on average and there was even distribution of surgery timing. 10. In relationship between Angle's classification of malocclusion and cleft types, Class I was most abundant and Class III, Class II were followed as descending order in cleft lip group. But Class III was most abundant and Class I, Class II were followed as descending order in cleft lip and alveolus group, cleft palate group, and cleft lip and Palate group. The percentage of frequency in Class III malocclusion was overwhelmingly higher in cleft lip and palate group than any other groups. 11. Because the frequency of class III malocclusion was most prevalent in all age groups, anterior crossbite was the most common chief complaint of cleft patients.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.