• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.259-283
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• 1998

This research is based on the assumption that Korea's social consensus among two sides of industry and government on Feb. 2 '98 was not just temporary response to the economic crisis caused by International Monetary Fund financial fund. Some arguments on the applicability of social democracy and corporatism and D. Donnison's perspective on Democratic Socialism are employed in search of an appropriate social consensus model for Korean situation. In the process of analyzing Korean situation in historical context it becomes apparent that there is embryo of stable social consensus beyond the level of tentative social cooperation to overcome the economic crisis. The next step applying the social consensus model to the employment policy for people with disability levels up empirical and theoretical validity of this research. It casts some implications for disability labour market which demands another kind of social consensus among people with disability, employers and the government. These implications include a desirable solution for hard lives of unemployed people with disability in economic difficulties and current policy issues facing Korean government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.7-34
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• 2010

The ethical problems related to climate changes have basically different character from the ethical problems which we have experienced until now. In order to approach ethical problems of climate changes for forseeing, mitigating and adapting many complicated situations which result from climate changes we should breake away from the point of anthropocentrism at first. Secondly, the education of the ethics of climate changes is very important in all levels of schools. It is very important and urgent to decide what and how we should teach. Finally, the sustainability has important role in the justification of why and what we should take actions against climate changes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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• v.33 no.6
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• pp.1103-1118
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• 2013

In this research, we analysed definitions and examples of conductor and electrolysis concept in middle school science textbooks. We also surveyed 9 senior pre-service teachers' understanding of the concept definitions and appropriate examples. From the analysis of the textbooks, we found that the possibility of misunderstanding of learners is high because of the broad definition concept and narrow list of examples. After confirming the differences among pre-service teachers' understanding of the subject through questionnaires and interviews, they also debated for a need to an agreement on scientific concepts. The pre-service teachers recognized the meaning of social constructivism and the need for an agreement process in teaching science concepts.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.253-280
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• 2007

This study explores the discoures of family and family policy in the legislative process of Strong Family Act. Critical discourse analysis was used. The results are follows. The Strong Family Act made family issue as a political agenda in spite of much critics. The characteristics of the family discourse in "strong family camp": 1) The emphasis on the moral principle in family 2) denial of deinstitutionalization of family 3) regarding the family problem as a moral and individual problem 4) regarding the state as managing and controling the family. The characteristics of the family discourse in "critical camp": 1) strong family discourse is related to "the family" ideology 2) regarding the family problem as a social, structural problem 3) regarding the state as subsiding, supplementing families. The characteristics of the family policy discourse in "strong family camp": 1) casual efficiency as justifying logics 2) family policy as means to recover family values 3) deunifying the family policy. On the one hand, the characteristics of the family policy discourse in "critical camp": 1) social consensus and academic discussion as justifying logics 2) regarding the family policy as a means of gender equality and strategical point of welfare state expansion. The discourse of family and family policy, especially 'Strong Family Discourse" resulted in conjugation of nationalism and neoliberalism.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.59-85
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• 2014

This study aims to highlight the social aspects of genetic discrimination as another shadow that biotechnology can influence on social life. To do so, the definition of "genetic discrimination" and three perspectives (exceptionalism, expressivism, and human right discourse) were reviewed. In addition, the Genetic Information Nondiscrimination Act (GINA) of the United States and the Bioethics and Safety Act of Korea were analyzed. Several social implications for establishing the research and policies of genetic discrimination based on the existing research results of perceived genetic discrimination (the experiences, fears, and coping strategies of genetic discrimination) were suggested. These included public consensus on the definition of genetic discrimination and emphasis on a human rights approach against genetic discrimination; concerns regarding genetic discrimination in both the personal and public domains; raising the consciousness of both health care providers and the public regarding genetic discrimination; and developing psycho-social coping strategies for decreasing the fear of discrimination of asymptomatic people (hereditary carriers).