• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.151-178
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• 2014

Highly Differentiated and segmented social insurance scheme in Taiwan shows its salient dimension of stratification, which has been considered as a general feature of conservative welfare regime. However, compared to Western conservative welfare states, Taiwan's social insurance scheme shows a distinct feature. First, Taiwan's social insurance scheme has offered a full coverage for various benefits. Secondly, Labor Insurance and Government employees' Insurance reveal distinct features of stratification. Labor Insurance has developed a universalistic system based on status equality and cross-class solidarity of working classes while Government employees' Insurance includes a myriad of occupational- and status-based programs. This article aims to articulate the historical origin of Taiwan's unique social insurance scheme and explains it as an unintended result of state's political intervention and various interests of each insured groups, especially, politically, economically, and ethnically conflicting identities of government employees and working classes.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.189-219
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• 2008

The purpose of this article is to examine the dynamics of pension insurance policy-making and policy outputs under the developmental state of Korea, by analysing the first attempt to establish the national pension scheme in the early 1970s. To the aim, this article formulated the comprehensive analytical framework from the viewpoint of process-oriented perspective, linking policy-making dynamics with the policy context as an external constraint and policy output as a result of policy-making. Policy context was explored in terms of three variables of politics, civil society and economy, whilst policy-making and policy network dynamics were examined by employing the following variables: i) initiators, motivation and triggering devices, ii) number of participants and key players, iii) participants' interests, iv) major conflicting parties and key differences of allegation, and v) interactions between participants. Policy outputs were analysed by looking into the mainly reflected interests and the change of intended policies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.223-249
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• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to classify OECD countries in regard to levels of supporting fathers' care work. Several meaningful conclusions were reached. First, examining the level of supporting fathers' care work and the strength of the traditional bread-winner model, OECD countries can be classified into 5 different clusters. The result is different from the mainstream typology of welfare states and suggests the new typology of welfare states. Second, the level of supporting fathers' care work and the strength of the traditional bread-winner model were found to be related to total fertility rates and women's labor market participation rates. Third, in regard to the level of supporting fathers' care work, Korea was the lowest among OECD countries. This result points to one of the important reasons to the low level of total fertility rat, and low rate of women's labor market participation in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.289-317
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• 1998

This study aims to review and evaluate the changes of the British social housing policy under the Conservative government(1979-1997), and to get some implications for the Korean case. The Conservatives tried to diminish the role of state in the realm of social welfare :in general, and to retreat the social housing policy in particular as a reaction to the' welfare state crisis' started from the early 1970s. In the realm of housing policy, privatisation and marketisation including the massive sale of council houses were driven enthusiastically. Public expenditure cut and redirection of the housing subsidy scheme were also implemented according to the changed policy orientation. The clear visible results of the policy changes can be seen as follows; radical changes of the housing tenure distribution, changing role of local authorities, and the worsening housing problems- housing shortages, residualisation, affordability problem, deepening dependency and the negative distribution of housing subsidy etc. Furthermore the goal of public expenditure cut, in fact, was not accomplished successfully. The results of this study support the argument that the Neo-liberalistic approach to the 'welfare state crisis' have resulted in reconstruction and redirection rather than total abolition of the role of state in welfare provision. This conclusion could provide important implications to Korean case, especially concerning the role of state in the social housing policy.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.47-76
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• 2013

The discussion of "new risks" in the field of social policy started to gain attention in the late 1990s and it is commonly argued that new risks are provoked by deindustrialization and/or globalization being more concentrated among the young, women and low skilled individuals. This study commences its inquiry with a conceptualization of labour market risk in an attempt to critically rethink the argument of new risk. A reevaluation of the concept is followed by an empirical investigation on the different types of risks and their changes by different degree. Eight-teen countries are selected in order to provide a comparative account to understand new risk. These are comparatively analyzed using the fuzzy-set ideal type approach to discover different types of social risks and to measure degrees of changes in relation to social risk. In sum, this paper aims to answer: what is new risk? and how do the characteristic of labour market risks differ in different post-industrial countries? The findings suggest that the types of risk are diverse and the speed or the directions of shift are also diverse.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.257-285
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• 2016

The purpose of this paper is to examine the determinants of public attitudes toward welfare spending in relation with the perception of welfare level. Data from the national survey of 'the SSK Good Government Research Unit' are used to perform a logistic regression analysis of the association between welfare attitudes and government perceptions, political orientations, and socio-economic backgrounds. The most prominent finding is that the determinants of welfare attitudes differ markedly between the two different groups of welfare perception. The empirical results say that persons living in a corrupt government tend to prefer welfare spendings despite having low level of welfare, and persons living in a unjust government tend to prefer welfare expansion because welfare level must be low. Persons living in a government of great capacity tend to have positive attitudes to welfare spending despite having a high level of welfare, whereas persons living in a government of less capacity tend to have negative attitudes to welfare expansion because the level of welfare is too high beyond government capacity. This distinction between the two perceptions of welfare level provides a systemic understanding of public attitudes toward welfare spending.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.243-280
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• 2018

This paper examines the discussion on the income-led growth known as the core economic strategy of Moon's administration in terms of Korean welfare regime. Although the income-led growth strategies have presented various issues, the income-led growth strategy seems to be a timely alternative discourse that emphasizes the demand side, considering supply-oriented growth strategies have caused long-term recession and deepening of inequality. It is important that the income-led growth strategy places social expenditures as an important growth engine for virtuous cycle of production and consumption. However, this paper has confirmed that simply raising wages and increasing social expenditure do not increase the aggregate demand and production. Moreover, empirical studies have shown that the inclusion of external sectors and liabilities into the analysis weakens the wage-led growth of the Korean economy. For this reason, this study concluded that the government's sophisticated policy intervention is necessary for the increase of real wages and social spending to be economic growth.

• 한국노년학
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.1119-1135
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• 2012

The single and the married couples elderly are rapidly increasing in the next twenty years. Due to the size of these group, their level of living, life satisfaction, income and medical security and welfare services utilization have been a social issue in Korea. For these reasons, the purpose of this study was to analyze the determinants of welfare services utilization by the single and the married couples elderly. Their analyses were composed of a cross-tabulations and t-test, analysis of variance, duncan test, multiple regression analysis using 5'th Wave Korea Welfare Panel(2010). Data were collected from a survey of 2,716. The results showed that the elderly single women had the lowest level of income and health, the elderly single men needed the help about the emotional support for improvement of family and social relations. The married couples elderly are young and the participation rate of job opportunities for the elderly is high, relatively. The results of the multiple regression analysis indicated that the level of income and medical security and the satisfaction of family relationships were important factors as related to the welfare services utilization.

• Korean Journal of Social Issues
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.33-56
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• 2017

이 연구에서는 서구와 한국에서의 신자유주의화에 대한 기존의 연구성과들에 기반하여 한국적 신자유주의의 특징을 규명하고, 이명박 정부 이후의 구체적인 정책 변화를 검토하여 국가의 정책이 사회적 불평등에 어떠한 영향을 미쳐 왔는지를 확인하고자 한다. 전체적으로 이 연구가 던지는 질문은 다음과 같다: "국민경제는 계속 성장하고 있다는데, 나는 왜 먹고살기가 더욱 어려워지는가?"라는 질문에 대해 어떻게 대답할 것인가? 이 연구는 이론적인 차원에서 이에 대한 대답은 '신자유주의적 금융화의 진전'이라는 현상과 관련하여 설명되어야 한다는 관점에서 출발한다. 이러한 방식의 설명을 위해 이 글에서 파악하고자 하는 내용은 다음과 같다: 한국에서 신자유주의화 또는 금융화가 전개되는 독특한 양식은 무엇인가? '보수정부' 9년간의 사회경제정책은 이전 시기에 비해 어떤 특징을 나타내는가? 그리고, 이 시기에 한국사회의 사회적 불평등의 정도는 실제로 어떻게 변화하였는가? 글은 신자유주의에 대한 새로운 이론이나 금융화 및 불평등에 대한 새로운 경험적 자료를 제시하기 보다는, 금융화와 불평등에 대한 기존의 논의들을 살펴보고 한국의 신자유주의 및 금융화가 진화해 온 방식과 그 지형도를 그리는 것을 목표로 한다. 그리고 이러한 작업을 통해 향후 기대되는 연구의 방향을 제시하고자 한다. 연구는 첫째로 지난 9년간 전개된 금융정책은 금융이 산업을 지배한다기보다는 오히려 정 반대의 과정으로 진행되도록 했다는 점을 제시할 것이다. 또한, '일하는 복지'라는 사회복지정책 의제와 금융장치의 결합을 통해 개개인의 금융활동에 대한 의존을 심화시켰다는 점을 제시할 것이다. 이러한 정책적 변화들은 곧 물질적인 평등뿐만 아니라, '사회적 권리'로서의 평등을 악화시켰다고 관찰된다.