• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.12
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• pp.222-233
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• 2015

In this study, the fact that the influx of multi-cultural society impact on local communities are examined to analysis the negative impact and positive impact with four types of political (government), economic, social and cultural saw classified. Although some have a negative evaluation, most of the respondents said the influx of multi-cultural society had a positive impact on South Korea's development and believes a positive impact in the future. In the results of the analysis, areas where multicultural society gives the most positive impact of local communities in political (administrative), economic, social, of the four segments of culture has been rated as the field of culture, on the other hand, areas that have the most negative impact has been evaluated as social sector. Though we live in nationalism culture for a long time and heterogeneous foreign residents has so rapidly increased that conflicts due to collision of values of differences and culture of each other have occurred, foreign residents are generally, have a positive impact on our society. Substantially marriage immigrants who successfully solve the rural bachelor of marriage problem are willing to prevent population decline phenomenon and reduce the crime rate in the society, of course. In addition, foreign workers who employed at low wages in the 3D industry which is avoided by the South Korean people have contributed to our country's economic development.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.226-259
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• 2016

Drawing on the autonomist Marxist concepts of 'social factory', 'immaterial labour', and 'precarity', this paper discusses the changed nature of labour, life and social relations in contemporary informational capitalism. More specifically, it first traces back to the early autonomist (operasimo) theories of 'social factory' and 'class composition' and then discusses how these earlier theories were developed into the concept of 'immaterial labour' by a group of later autonomist theorists such as Paolo Virno, Maurizio Lazzarato, Micheal Hardt, and Antonio Negri. Then, it reviews how the concept of immaterial labour was taken up to understand the nature of labour in digital economy within the tradition of Cultural Studies, closely intersecting with the critiques of 'creative labour'. Finally, it discusses how the changed nature of labour is interrelated with the neoliberal labour forces transformations such as casualization of employment and increasing insecurity in employment and life, which the autonomist explores with the concept of 'precarity', the material condition of immaterial labour.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.707-715
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• 2021

This study attempts to investigate what systematic support is needed for foreign national students studying in South Korea by analyzing the relationship between foreign national students' life satisfaction and experiences of discrimination. The study utilized neo-racism as a theoretical framework and assumed that foreign national students' experiences of discrimination may lower life satisfaction while disrupting related policies to be effective. Cluster sampling was used to collect surveys, and a total number of 322 cases were analyzed. The study result reveals that experiences of discrimination resulting from students' nationality and Korean language pronunciation led to low life satisfaction in general. Based on the findings, the authors suggest ways to promote awareness around (un)intentional discriminatory actions both at institutional and political levels.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.643-674
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• 2016

The purpose of present study is to discover the meaning of the Eogul(억울) which is known as a emotion from perceived unfairness. Even though Eogul has been mentioned as a cause of the Hwabyung in Korean culture there were few studies about it. Researchers designed two studies to provide clear understanding for this concept. In study 1, researchers conducted an open-ended questionnaire for 44 participants to deduce the cultural contexts and the whole experience on Eogul. Data were analyzed with grounded theory, the results were cross-checked by different evaluators. According to the analysis, Eogul is not only the negative feelings from the perceived unfairness, but also the motivations and behaviors to resolve the feelings. Especially, what makes Eogul culture-bounded could be related display rules on expressing emotions. We conducted study 2 to clarify the cultural attributes of Eogul in Korean culture. Variables that explain cultural differences were chosen and 123 participants were surveyed with them including the items developed for measuring Eogul. Cultural meanings and implications of Eogul were discussed with the results.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.143-148
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• 2022

The subject of this paper is the practical examples of technoculture that critically thinks network technology, a strong material foundation in the era of data capitalism in the 21st century, and appropriates its socio-cultural metaphor as an artistic potential. In order to analyze its alternatives and the meaning of cultural politics, this paper examines the properties and influence of data capitalism after the 2008 global financial crisis, and the cultural and artistic context formed by its reaction. The first case considered in this paper, Furtherfield's workshop, provided a useful example of how citizens can participate in social change through learning and education in which art and technology are interrelated. The second case, Greek hackerspace HSGR, developed network technology as a tool to overcome the crisis by proposing a new progressive cultural commons due to Greece's financial crisis caused by the global financial crisis and a decrease in the state's creative support. The third case, Paolo Cirio's project, promoted a critical citizenship towards the state and community systems as dominant types of social governance. These technoculture cases can be evaluated as efforts to combine and rediscover progressive political ideology and its artistic realization tradition in the context of cultural politics, paying attention to the possibility of signifying practices of network technology that dominates the contemporary economic system.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.253
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• pp.4-7
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• 1999

90년대 문학출판은 사회적 역할과 책임을 강조하는 거대 담론의 시대에서 벗어나 미학적.문학적으로 다채로운 가치를 추구했다고 볼 수 있다. 하지만 90년대를 마감하는 이 시점에 영상문화 등 다른 매체의 팽창과 상업주의, 독서시장의 축소는 새로운 과제로 남는다. 문학출판에 주력해 온 출판사의 편집인 4인이 한자리에 모여 90년대 문학출판의 의미와 변화, 2천년대를 위한 과제를 알아본다.

• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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• 2011.04a
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• pp.471-479
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• 2011

한국의 어두운 역사적 배경 속에서 '혼혈아'라 불리던 국제결혼자녀 또는 미군아버지로 부터 버림받은 사생아들은 한국 사회에 포용이 될 수 없었다. 더불어, 그 이후 유입된 새터민, 외국인 노동자, 중국동포의 다문화 가정자녀들도 외국인도 내국인도 아닌, 외계인으로 사회적 고립으로 말미암아 소외계층으로 밀려나야 했는데, 이는 단일 민족주의를 긍지로, 여기는 한국의 주류층과의 차이가 차별(discrimination)로 변질된 현상에서 원인을 찾을 수 있다. 하지만, 이들의 차이는 '잠재적 역량'이 될 수 있는 이면적 장점을 내포하고 있다는 사실을 한국의 사회. 문화적 신념에 의한 배타적 성향을 지닌 한국 주류층들은 물론이거니와, 다문화사회 구성원들조차 인식하지 못하거나, 활용되지 못하는 것이 현 실정 이었다. 글로벌 사회의 도래로, 다문화 사회를 바라보는 전체사회의 의식변화를 요구하는 사회 각계각층의 목소리가 높아지고 있으며 이에 대한 활발한 연구가 시작되고 있다. 우리나라도 체류외국인 100만 명 돌파의 시대에 돌입 후 정부는 다문화사회 도래에 대한 다양한 대비책을 마련하는 현 상황에서 다문화사회 구성원들의 정부시책에 대한 관심과 자체적 노력이 더욱 요구되며, 이런 노력 하에 전체사회의 변화가 용이해질 뿐만 아니라, 다문화사회의 미래인 그들의 자녀들을 위해 교육적, 제도적, 정책적 인프라구축의 노력에 결실을 가져오리라 본다. 한국사회가 송출국에서 수민국가 대열에 서게 된 이 시점에서 다른 국가들의 이민과 교육정책을 살펴보고, 한국의 이주자 대상별로 전반적 다문화 가정 자녀의 교육 현실 및 한국 다문화 교육 정책의 문제점을 살펴보고, 이에 대한 미래지향적 다문화 교육에 대한 앞으로 한국의 다문화교육이 나아가야 할 방향을 제시해 보고자 한다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.635-654
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• 2009

Recently, concepts of multicultural society and/or multiculturalism have been not only widely discussed across several disciplines, but also actively promoted in government's policy, as the in-flow of foreign immigrants has increased rapidly. This paper suggests the term 'multicultural space' instead of multicultural society in a sense that both international migration of immigrants and their accommodation to a certain locality presuppose a spatial dimension. This paper also points out that the term multiculturalsim should be used very carefully, because this term includes a normative character implied in a sense of recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity and difference on the one hand, and an ideological one reflected on strategic policies of capital and the state on the other. On the basis of recognition of these problems, this paper tries to reformulate spatially the concept of muticultural society which has been supposed to be constructed due to rapidly increasing foreign immigrants, emphasizing some usefulness of multi-scalar approach. It then analyzes economic and political contexts of transnational migration, providing a criticism of multiculturalism as an ideological logic of capital and the state in transnational captialism. Finally it put a stress upon importance of struggle for spaces of recognition as a new glocal ethics in the age of post-globalization.