• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.273-280
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• 2021

GangAm Song Sungyong (1913~1999) was from Gimje, Jeollabuk-do. And he is a calligrapher from the last Confucian scholar of the 20th century and a writer of poetry, calligraphy, and painting. While wearing a topcoat and hanbok for the rest of his life, he approached the study, thought, and calligraphy art of Yoo Jae Song Kimyeon and Kojae Lee Byungeun from the perspective of 'GucheSinyong'. And he kept the philosophical subjectivity that tries to maintain character and a right mind. It was based on 'Guche', which is a faithful succession to the reverence of the old. When I was young, I practiced Mibul and Dong Kichang with Gu Yangsun as the center, and Hwang Jeonggyeon, Hanye, Oh Heejae, and Sojeon typefaces were grafted together during the national exhibition. Then, in 1965 (age 53), he moved to Jeonju, and learned several typefaces such as Chusa typeface on his own, creating a Gangam typeface without any obstacles. And he created 'Sinyong' with Windy Bamboo painting, which embodied strange and unconventional meanings. In addition, he re-established his identity by reexamining the fundamental spirit and natural aesthetics of calligraphy, and based on this, he greatly contributed to expanding the aesthetics of modern calligraphy and painting art by pursuing an aesthetic that explores novelty. In particular, Windy Bamboo painting has strong abstraction based on the principle of 'drawing the will'. And, in terms of discipline, the ethical aesthetic of Express Tao with pictures (畵以載道), which expresses the high level of elegance of observing small things in a big way, based on deep research on the logic of things and fulfilling human nature. By implementing it, Tao and Art become one. The Jeonbuk calligraphy group achieved the greatest prosperity in the Gangam era, and at the end of the 20th century, it entered a period of revival as it established itself as the central calligraphy group of Korean calligraphy.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.175-199
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• 2019

This paper aims to define Kang Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth through the Hegelian concept of 'labor (arbeit),' which is the fundamental medium in which humans substantialize their own absoluteness in an existentialist context. The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth performed by Jeungsan enabled Heaven, Earth, and Humanity to communicate with each other through the harmony of Sangsaeng (Mutual Beneficence). As Hegel found the possibility of freedom and emancipation of human subjects through labor and Jeungsan exercised His will to free and emancipate human beings, comparative thinkers are led to recognize a relationship between His Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth and the Hegelian concept of labor. The key point of this paper centers around articulating the meaning of the precise situation wherein labor occurs for the Supreme Being. Labor is a concept that occurs for real-live humans. Human beings can be said to exist between the ideological world and the natural world, or between Heaven and Earth, and this dichotomy creates a specific product given the interplay of infinitude and finitude that it entails. In other words, labor is not a passive deployment but is instead a subjective development. From the point wherein this labor occurs for the Supreme Being, a paradigm shift towards unity begins throughout the universe. The occurrence of God's labor happens at a time of great transformation. These occurrences of God's labor form the communication among Heaven, Earth and Humanity and form a qualitative equality. In other words, the fact that God is far from the world of ideology and has come into the world of finitude means that God conveys His absoluteness to the world of finitude. Therefore, the work of God on Earth builds the world of Heaven on Earth. This can also be seen as the Sangsaeng of Heaven, Earth and Humanity.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.24
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• pp.5-46
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• 2006

Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.742-755
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• 1997

Background : Endobronchial tuberculosis(ET) is still relatively common disease in Korea. We intended to evaluate the length of endobronchial lesion, peribronchial thickness, luminal irregularity and associated mediastinal lymph node enlargement with Chest CT to get information for such aggressive treatment as electrocautery, laser therapy and so on of bronchial stricture in ET, and also to compare the change of Chest CT finding with that of bronchoscopic finding after one month of anti-tuberculosis treatment. Method : We performed CT in 26 patients who were diagnosed as ET by bronchoscopy at Boramae Hospital from November 1991 to March 1996. After classifying ET into seven subtypes according to bronchoscopic finding, we analyzed the CT finding of each subtype. And we followed up the bronchoscopy, CT, and PIT after one month of anti-tuberculosis treatment, and compared the change of CT findings with those of bronchoscopic findings in nine patients. Results : Age of the patients was from 17 to 73 years old, and the ratio of male to female was 1 : 25 with absolute female predominance. The site(s) of bronchial involvement by tuberculosis is one in 14 cases, two in nine cases and three in one case, respectively, and the left main bronchus was the most frequently involved site (13 cases for multiple involvements and 7 cases for single involvement among 26 cases). The length of bronchial involvement by tuberculosis which was measured by CT was from 10 to 55 mm, and there was a tendency that the length of involved lesion in fibrostenotic type was shorter than that of actively caseating type. Bronchial stricture on CT was noticed in 25 (96%) cases and the range of severity was from total occlusion to near-normal and also showed wide variation even though the subtype of ET was same. The increase of peribronchial thickness which was measured by CT, was noticed in 21 cases (91%) among 23 cases (in which the measurement was possible), and there was no improvement of peribronchial thickness in those cases which showed little improvement in bronchial stricture despite anti-tuberculosis treatment. There was no difference in the luminal irregularity of involved bronchi on CT in relation to bronchoscopic subtypes. The mediastinal lymph node enlargement, defined as the diameter of lymph node was larger than 1cm on CT, was detected in 20 cases (77%), and right side was more frequently involved (L : R = 1 : 5.2). The CT finding usually showed extrinsic bronchial compression but showed direct invasion in two cases which were bronchoscopically classified as tumorous type. When follow-up bronchoscopy and CT was performed after one month of anti-tuberculosis treatment in nine patients, CT showed significant improvement in peribronchial thickness and mediastinal lymph node enlargement. Bronchial stricture was also improved in 6 cases but aggravated in 3 cases despite anti-tuberculosis therapy. In two cases which were classified as fibrostenotic type by bronchoscopy, CT showed significant improvement in bronchial stricture, interestingly. Conclusion : We concluded that the role of Chest CT was complimentary to bronchoscopy in ET, since CT was useful in evaluating the length of bronchial involvement, peribronchial thickness, and mediastinal lymph node enlargement.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.48 no.4
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• pp.530-542
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• 2000

Background : Nonspecific interstitial pneumonia (NSIP) has been reported recently to have shown much better response to medical treatment and better prognosis compared with idiopathic UIP. However, clinical characteristics of idiopathic NSIP discriminating it from UIP have not been clearly defined. Method : Among 120 patients with biopsy-proven diffuse interstitial lung diseases admitted to the Samsung Medical Center between July 1996 and March 2000, 18 patients with idiopathic NSIP were included in this study. Retrospective chart review and radiographic analysis were performed. Results : 1) At diagnosis, 17 patients were female and the average age was $55.2{\pm}8.4$ years (44~73 years). The average duration from development of respiratory symptom to surgical lung biopsy was $9.9{\pm}17.1$ months. Increase in bronchoalveolar lavage fluid lymphocytes ($23.0{\pm}13.1%$) was noted. On HRCT, ground glass and irregular linear opacity were observed, but honeycombing was absent in all patients. 2) Corticosteroids were initially given to 13 patients, but the medication was stopped in 3 patients due to severe side effects. Further medical therapy was not possible in 1 patient who experienced streroid-induced psychosis. Herpes zoster (n=3), tuberculosis (n=1), avascular necrosis of the hip (n=1), cataract (n=2) and diabetes mellitus (n=1) developed during prolonged corticosteroid administration. Of the 7 patients receiving oral cyclophosphamide therapy, hemorrhagic cystitis hindered one patient from continuing with the medication. 3) After medical treatment, 14 of 17 patients improved, and 3 patients remained stable (mean follow-up ; $24.1{\pm}11.2$ months). FVC increased by $20.2{\pm}11.2%$ of predicted value and the extent of ground glass opacity on HRCT decreased significantly ($15.7{\pm}14.7%$). 4) Of the 14 patients who had stopped medication, 5 showed recurrence of NSIP and 2 became aggravated during steroid tapering. All patients with recurrence showed deterioration within one year after completion of initial treatment. Conclusion : Since idiopathic NSIP has unique clinical profiles and shows good prognosis, diagnosis different from UIP, and aggressive medical treatment are needed.

• Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.261-272
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• 2004

This study was conducted to investigate indices affecting composts maturity for swine manure compost produced in a commercial composting facility with air-forced from the bottom. The composting was made of swine manure mixed with puffing rice hull(6: 4) and turned by escalating agitator twice a day. Composting samples were collected periodically during a 45-d composting cycle at that system, showing that indices of Ammonium-N to Nitrate-N ratio were sensitive indicators of composting quality. Pile temperature maintained more than 62$^{\circ}C$ and water contents decreased about 20% for 25days of composting. A great variety and high numbers of aerobic thermophilic heterotropic microbes playing critical roles in stability of composts have been examined in the final composts, sbowing that they were detected $10^8$ to $10^{10}$ $CFUg^{-1}$ in mesophilic bacteria, $10^3$ - $10^4$ in fungi and $10^6$ - $10^8$ in actinomycetes, respectively. The results of this study for detennining a factor affecting compost stability evaluations based on composting steps were as follows; 1. Ammonium-N concentrations were highest at the beginning of composting, reaching approximately 421mg/kg. However Ammonium-N concentrations were lower during curing, reaching approximately l04mg/kg just after 45 day. The ratio between $NH_4-N$ and $NO_3-N$ was above II at the beginning of composting and less than 2 at the final step(45 day). 2. Seed germination Index was dependent upon the compost phytotoxicity and its nutrition. The phytotocity caused the GI to low during the period of active composting(till 25 days of composting time) depending on the value of the undiluted. After 25 days of composting time, the GI was dependent upon compost nutrition. The Gennination index of the final step was calculated at over 80 without regard to treatments. 3. E4: E6 ratio in humic acid of composts was correlatively decreased from 8.86 to 6.76 during the period of active composting. After 25 days of composting time, the E4: E6 was consistently decreased from 6.76 to 4.67($r^2$ of total composting period was 0.95). 4. Water soluble carbon had a tendency to increase from 0.54% to 0.78%during the period of active composting. After 25 days of composting time, it was consistently decreased from 0.78% to 0.42%. Water soluble nitrogen increased from 0.22% to 0.32% during the period of 15 days after initial composting while decreased from 0.32% to 0.21% after 15days of composting. In consequence, the correlation coefficient($r^2$) between water soluble carbon and water soluble nitrogen was 0.12 during the period of active composting mule was 0.50 after 25 days of composting time

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.309-334
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• 2012

This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.39 no.6
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• pp.453-473
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• 1992

Background: National survey was performed to estimate the incidence of sarcoidosis in Korea. The clinical data of confirmed cases were analysed for the practice of primary care physicians and pulmonary specialists. Methods: The period of study was from January 1991 to December 1992. Data were retrospectively collected by correspondence with physicians in departments of internal medicine, dermatology, ophthalmology and neurology of the hospitals having more than 100 beds using returning postcards. In confirmed and suspicious cases of sardoidosis, case record chart for clinical and laboratory findings were obtained in detail. Results: 1) Postcards were sent to 523 departments in 213 hospitals. Internal medicine composed 41%, dermatology 20%, ophthalmology 20% and neurology 19%. 2) Postcards were returned from 241 departments (replying rates was 48%). 3) There were 113 confirmed cases from 50 departments and 10 cases. The cases were composed from internal medicine (81%), dermatology (13%), ophthalmology (3%) and neurology (3%). 78 confirmed cases were analysed, which were composed from department of internal medicine (92%), dermatology (5%), and neurology (3%). 4) The time span for analysed cases was 1980 to 1992. one case was analysed in 1980 and the number gradually increased to 18 cases in 1991. 5) The majority of patients (84.4%) were in the age group of 20 to 49 years. 6) The ratio of male to female was 1 : 1.5. 7) The most common chief complains were respiratory symptoms, dermatologic symptoms, generalized discomforts, visual changes, arthralgia, abdominal pains, and swallowing difficulties in order. 16% of the patients were asymptomatic. 8) Mean duration between symptom onset and diagnosis was 2 months. 9) The most common symptoms were respiratory, general, dermatologic, ophthalmologic, neurologic and cardiac origin in order. 10) Hemoglobin, hematocrits and platelet were in normal range. 58% of the patients had lymphopenia measuring less than 30% of white cell count. The ratio of CD4 to CD8 lymphocytes was $1.73{\pm}1.16$ with range of 0.43 to 4.62. ESR was elevated in 43% of the cases. 11) Blood chemistry was normal in most cases. Serum angiotensin converting enzyme (S-ACE) was $66.8{\pm}58.6\;U/L$ with the range of 8.79 to 265 U /L. Proteinuria of more than 150 mg was found in 42. 9% of the patients. 12) Serum IgG was elevated in 43.5%, IgA in 45.5%, IgM in 59.1% and IgE in 46.7%. The levels of complement C3 and C4 were in the normal range. Anti-nuclear antibody was detected in 11% of the cases. Kweim test was performed in 3 cases, and in all cases the result was positive. 13) FVC was decreased in 17.3%, FEV1 in 11.5%, FEV1/FVC in 10%, TLC in 15.2%, and DLco in 64.7%. 14) PaO2 was decreased below 90 mmHg in 48.6% and PaCO2 was increased above 45 mmHg in 5.7%. 15) The percentage of macrophages in BAL fluid was $51.4{\pm}19.2%$, lymphocytes $44.4{\pm}21.1%$, and the ratio of CD4 to CD8 lymphocytes was $3.41{\pm}2.07$. 16) There was no difference in laboratory findings between male and female. 17) Hilar enlargement on chest PA was present in 87.9% (bilaterally in 78.8% and unilaterally in 9.1%). 18) According to Siltzbach's classification, stage 0 was 5%, stage 158.3%, stage 228.3%, and stage 38.3%. 19) Hilart enlargement on chest CT was present in 92.6% (bilaterally 76.4% and unilaterally in 16.2%). 20) HRCT was done in 16 cases. The most common findings were nodules, interlobular thickening, focal patchy infiltrations in order. Two cases was normal finding. 21) Other radiologic examinations showed bone change in one case and splenomegaly in two cases. 22) Gallium scan was done in 12 cases. Radioactivity was increased in hilar and mediastinal lymph nodes in 8 cases and in parenchyme in 2 cases. 23) The pathologic diagnosis was commonly performed by transbrochial lung biopsy (TBLB, 47.3%), skin and mediastinal lymph nodes biopsy (34.5%), peripheral lymph nodes biopsy (23.6%), open lung biopsy (18.2%) and bronchial biopsy in order. 24) The most common findings in pathology were non·caseating granuloma (100%), multi-nucleated giant cell (47.3%), hyalinized acellular scar (34.5%), reticulin fibrin network (20%), inclusion body (10.9%), necrosis (9.1%), and lymphangitic distribution of granuloma (1.8%) in order. Conclusion: Clinical, laboratory, radiologic and pathologic findings were summarized. This collected data will assist in finding a test for detection and staging of sarcoidosis in Korea in near future.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.