• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.5-46
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• 2009

The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.147-189
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• 2016

This study attempted to investigate the issue how stepmother's narrative was transferred to . For this agenda, the approach of this paper is described below to determine how Bbaengdeok's stepmother narrative was transferred episodically to . First, this paper started from the relation between stepmother narrative and affiliated with each root folk tale in Buddhist text. Among known as root folk tale until now, this paper investigated whether was the root folk tale affiliated to Buddhist literature. At that point, stepmother narrative showed relation with opening eyes motive. It has been reported that the text of opening eyes in Buddhist literature is originated from the south. This paper confirmed that 's stepmother narrative was related to Buddhist literature originated from south. Next, this paper investigated the background of opening eyes motive of stepmother types. After entering Gyeongpan , it formed Bbaengdeok narrative of Wanpan related to Literary geography of Jeollado enjoying space of Wanpan . There are two evidences for this. The first one is which was passed down around Jeollado. In the course of sudden Buddhist folklore's flow into the country, it is that combined stepmother narrative of sudden Buddhist literature with the characteristics of northern Buddhist literature which was reconstructed into son's filial behavior of northern Buddhist literature to make father's blinded eyes open. The other is the Buddhist trend of the late 18th Chosun when northern Buddhist literature and sudden Buddhist literature were combined. It appeared that stepmother narrative was formed in the Buddhist background of the late 18th Chosun when northern Buddhist literature and sudden Buddhist literature were combined.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.62-79
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• 2015

The Stele for State Preceptor Doseon and Seon Master Sumi of Dogapsa Temple in Yeongam was erected in the fourth month of 1653. It was made with stone obtained from Yeosan(present-day Yeosan-myeon, Iksansi), and contains an inscription - engraved in the spring of 1651 - commemorating the two priests. The project to erect the monument was led by eminent monks, including Gakseong and Sucho, with the support of royal patrons and powerful statesmen including Prince Inpyeong(1622~1658). This monument is thought to be the first of its kind to have a capstone in the shape of a 'dragon loop' handle of the kind traditionally attached to the top of a temple bell. Stone stelae with a dragon-loop-shaped capstone continued to be used by the royalty and nobility of Joseon until the 18th century. The inscription engraved on the rear face of the monument reveals that it was made by Jo Mal-ryong, a renowned stonemason who worked on stone monuments and figures for royal tombs in the mid-Joseon period. He is known as the only stonemason to have been awarded the third highest rank(Jeong-sampum) of government, including the posts of Grand Master(Tongjeong Daebu) and General(Jeolchung Janggun), as recorded in the inscription. The monument corroborates the prevalent view that he was the creator of monumental capstones of the highest aesthetic merit in Joseon, and provides valuable insights about the leading artisans who produced monumental stones for royal tombs in the 17th century. This particular monument is highly regarded as a valuable historical relic because of the detailed information contained in the inscription, including the dates, work processes, patrons and artisans related with its creation, and because it features outstanding workmanship by some of the greatest artisans of the period. The monument also provides important clues about the transition from the Buddhist monuments created under the auspices of the royalty and nobility of mid-period Joseon to the symbolic stone structures and figures made for the tombs of royalty and nobility.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.116-139
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• 2017

Naksansa Temple was famous for a miracle temple where Lee Haeng-ri(李行里), King Ikjo(翼祖), had prayed for offspring and soon begat King Dojo(度祖). According to the First King's Annals("太祖實錄"), King Dojo was the person who directly received prophecy of founding a Joseon. For these reasons, Naksansa Temple received attention concerning the foundation of Joseon. The birth story of King Dojo and his father's prayer at the Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva cave(觀音窟), Naksansa Temple, was well known among the noblemen and royal families until the Late Joseon period. Lee Seoung gye(李成桂) paid particular attention to the Naksansa Temple, and King Sejo(世祖) also made people rebuild the temple when he went for a royal tour in Gangwon-do. Naksansa Temple was built during the time when King Sejo made many temples in order to strengthen the royal authority. King Sejo made people extensively rebuild the temple, praying for health and longevity of King Yejong(his son). King Sejo's will of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple was very strong. The residents of the area had to pay a huge cost because the rebuilding of the Naksansa Temple was a big construction. Hak-yeol(學悅), who had a responsibility of rebuilding the Naksansa Temple, forcedly obtained supplies as he received protection from the royal family. Naksansa Temple thrived with the protection of the royal family after rebuilding. King Yejong and Seongjong gave Naksansa Temple slaves and fields(田地). He also bestowed upon the temple the salts which was the tribute paid by Gangwon-do. In order to protect the precincts of the Naksansa Temple, the government closed the Yang Yang Main Street near Naksansa Temple and built a new road. And the signs of preventing fishing(捕漁) was built along the coast of Naksan in four kilometers in order to keep people out. Although the Naksansa Temple declined in the late Joseon period, it still received support under the protection policy and maintained its reputation as an original Buddhist shrine.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.163-204
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• 2010

"Nectar of Immortality", also known as Suryukwha, is a painting which is hung on the wall during Suryukjae, a rite to console the spirits residing on both land and water. The Suryukwha at Bonyung Temple in the Ming Dynasty consisted of 139 scrolls depicting separate scenes. In Korea, however, Nectar of Immortality combines all the scenes into one large painting. The lower part of Nectar of Immortality describes pain, disasters, and the frailty of human life in this world. This is intended to inspire people to embrace Buddhism and be delivered from their worldly existence. However, it reflects the social realities of that time as well. The scenes at the bottom of the painting of nomadic troupes of entertainers and their performances are part of this reflection. In this section, various scenes of traditional Korean performance are illustrated, such as double and single tightrope walking, Sotdaetagi (performing atop a pole), Ssangjulbaegi (one form of Sotdaetagi), tumbling, bell juggling, mask dramas, dish spinning, puppet shows, the dance of Sadang, and sword dancing. Among these performances, some, such as Sotdaetagi, Ssangjulbaegi, double tightrope walking, bell juggling and sword dancing (Punggakjaengipae), have since ceased to exist. The troupes of entertainers depicted in Nectar of Immortality are Sadangpae, Namsadangpae, Sotdaejaengipae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae, Gutjungpae, and circus troupes. When, after itinerant lives, these entertainers die, they become forlorn wandering spirits with no descendants to perform their memorial services. The entertainers in the performance scenes are the embodiment of souls who are the subjects of salvation through Suryukjae. Among these entertainers, Sotdaejaengipae, Sadangpae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae and Gutjungpae no longer exist. In sum, Nectar of Immortality provides insight into the vanished content of numerous historic forms of performance and the activities of nomadic troupes of entertainers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.70-95
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• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.50-58
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• 2011

Cheongpunggye is located in a valley where Baekaksan, the main mountain of Seoul and Inwang Mountain corresponding to right-white tiger(石白虎) divination based on topography are crossed. The owner of Cheongpunggye is Seonwon Kim Sangyong and many people had visited there without pause because of beautiful landscape since the early times of Chosun. Seonwon Kim Sangyong had ever studied together with Yulgok Yi I and Woogye Seong Hon. He was one of the Western faction(Seo-in) which was the leading power of Injo Coup and died for his chastity during Second Manchu Invasion of Chosun. He is known as a model of fidelity which is a symbol for scholar's spirit in Chosun together with his younger brother Cheongeum Kim Sangheon. Jangdong region, the clan village of New Andong family was the birthplace of Yulgok School which was the fundamental of scholar spirit of Chosun. And Jangdong would be the source of Jin-Gyeong(Real Scenery) Culture which was bloomed by Baekak club composed of Gyeomjae Jeong Seon, Sacheon Lee Byeongyeon, and Gwanajae Cho Yeongseok. The contents of this study are as follows. First, this study explored the placeness of Seochon region through the historical background like the relation between Jangdong, the clan village of Andong Kim family and Andong Kim family, and achievements of Seonwon Kim Sangyong and circumstances of that times. Second, this study tried to know original landscape of Cheongpunggye by investigating location, topography, water system etc. based on analysis of literature, old map, and paintings describing Cheongpunggye. The study was progressed in this way. To infer the original landscape, about 50 landscape elements of Cheongpunggye shown in Punggyejibseunggi(楓溪集勝記), Cheongpunggye Cheop, Cheongpunggye(淸風溪), the work of Gyeomjae Jeong Sean were searched, and then the location and form of the elements was analyzed. Furthermore, by analyzing the meanings of the names for the landscape elements, the thoughts(Naturalism, Taoism, Confucianism, Buddhism) supporting the structure of Cheongpunggye could be inferred. It is thought that these findings can contribute to exploration of placeness of Cheongpunggye. The study on original landscape of Cheongpunggye can be used as basic data when these works are executed-revival of Cheongpunggye, restoration of small streams in upper part of Cheonggyecheon, renewal of Seochon region.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Korean Association for Visual Culture
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• v.23
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• pp.463-524
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• 2013

En exprimant 'la découverte de l'homme', Valéry, dans la Philosophie de la danse, représente «un plaisir qui allait jusqu'à une sorte d'ivresse, et si intense parfois, qu'un épuisement total de ses forces, une sorte d'extase d'épuisement pouvait seule interrompre son délire, sa dépense motrice exaspérée». Dans le même sens du plaisir, Jayadéva, dans son dithyrambe du Gîta-Govinda, représente la danse de Harî, une des nombreuses formes de Vichnou. Excités par le brûlant désir des jeux de la volupté, Hari et son amante Râdhâ cherchent au cours de la danse Râsa l'énergie vitale. Voilà la source du plaisir mystérieux valéryen. Ensuite l'eau, «élément essentiel de toute vie», est la mesure du temps de même que le soleil, l'eau est le principe de l'harmonie comme celui du monde. Finalement, chez Valéry, sous les diverses infleunces de l'eau mythique, la mer devient l'Océan de lait, soit le lieu de naissance, soit la substance maternelle, soit l'essence da la création universelle. Or tout au long de 「La Dormeuse」, Valéry évoque l'image de 'Vichnou-Narayana' sous l'influence de la mythologie indienne. Et sous une autre influence de Flaubert, Valéry évoque « d'étranges mondes abstraits». Malgré tout, Valéry crée lui-même, dans 「La Dormeuse」, une nouvelle image d'un monde abstrait : 'Vichnou-Narayana' couché sur un lit de lotus, porté par les replis du grand serpent Ananta, qui élève au-dessus du dieu endormi méditant, ses sept têtes formant une éspèce de dais - du sein de Narayana, richement décoré d'un collier d'étoiles et d'une couronne de pierres précieuses en forme de disque, croit un lotus qui porte Brahma dans son calice ; Lakchmi est aux pieds de son divin époux. L'épisode des dieux indiens est à un stade encore plus avancé de la destruction du symbole. Ils sont réduits à des formes symboliques obscures, non commentées et même difficilement identifiables. Le dieu rose qui mord son orteil dans une attitude à la fois mystérieuse et grotesque, c'est Vichnou qui a, selon le vichnouisme, le premier rôle dans la création du monde. Il flottait avant la création sur les eaux, couché sur une feuille de figuier, sous la forme d'un jeune enfant qui porte son pied vers sa bouche. Cette scène évoque la méditation et le repli sur soi de la divinité avant le commencement. Valéry désigne la cosmogonie particulière d'une religion bien déterminée(le vichnouisme) sans la nommer et en la vidant de son sens pouratnt capital, laissant subsister un symbole guetté par le grotesque, un dieu en enfance ; d'autre part, cette cosmogonie est télescopée et intégrée par une cosmogonie d'origine différente : le désemboîtement des trois dieux renvoie à la théorie sivaiste du Lingam, l'arbre de vie. Les dieux de la tirinité iendienne se détachent les un après les autres et il ne reste plus que la fleur sous la garde de Vichnou. Le désemboîtement des dieux paraît bien se référer à cette conception, malgré l'absence du lingam. Enfin toute la forme veille ; et tous les yeux sont ouverts.