• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.157-183
• /
• 2016

Countries across the globe, including those in Europe, are waging a "war against terrorism" as international terrorist groups such as ISIS and lone-wolf terrorists have unleashed various large-scale attacks on rail infrastructure. Anti-South Korean sentiment exists in Muslim-majority countries because the nation has cooperated with the US for its military interventions in the Middle East, and ISIS has threatened to target South Korea four times since September 9, 2015. In addition, North Korea has been left isolated in the international community with its missile and nuclear tests, while further escalating inter-Korean tension and threatening to strike major facilities and attack important figures in the South. These situations imply that South Korea is no longer immune to terrorist attacks. If the nation fails to prevent or deter such terrorist attacks against rail networks, massive casualties, property damage and social confusion would be unavoidable, deteriorating national and international trust in its counter-terrorism policies. This may lead to a national crisis involving decreases in the number of tourists, dampened interest of foreign investors, and capital flight. This study aims to propose policy measures to enhance railroad security checks, based on the work of railroad police officers, for the sake of protecting citizens and public safety. The suggestions include an incremental expansion of railroad security checks; growth of the railroad police force and adjustment of their policing distribution with other police officers; enhancement of security systems across important rail networks; improvement of the Railroad Safety Act; Southeast Asia, including the corresponding strengthening of the national crackdown illegal immigrants, and plans for pre-emptive and regular cooperation among organizations related to the promotion of security checks and the prevention of terrorist attacks.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.22 no.4
• /
• pp.405-421
• /
• 2019

International aid to North Korea remains far below the humanitarian needs of vulnerable people. This paper examines the trajectory of international humanitarian assistance to North Korea over the last two decades with the focus on its decline in the context of the country's nuclear standoff and corresponding stringent sanctions. In so doing, the paper addresses major problems associated with North Korea's reception of foreign aid and operational constraints placed on humanitarian activities in the country. It shows that humanitarian assistance to North Korea has been largely shaped by geopolitical dynamics. A survey of UN reports and statistics also suggests a shifting trend in recent international aid to North Korea. The decline of aid and multiple operational obstacles faced by humanitarian organizations, for instance, have led to a fall in agricultural support and a proportional rise in health and related services. While UN Security Council resolutions include an exemption provision, humanitarian assistance to North Korea has been constrained by stringent sanctions, which have led to adverse consequences for the civilian population. In this regard, the paper suggests some policy directions for international aid to North Korea amidst negotiations over denuclearization, while stressing an urgent need to address the negative impact of sanctions on vulnerable groups in the country.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
• /
• v.61
• /
• pp.109-129
• /
• 2020

This study reflects the regional context of Northeast Asian countries embodied in US-North Korean nuclear tension. The researcher uses the methodological inquiry of practical theology to analyze the political affairs and intertwine with religious education. The ecology of religious education to dismantle the threat of ethnic and racial discrimination such as white supremacy supports a shared pedagogy between students and their teachers in the narrative of Jesus to challenge all forms of oppression as the democratic presence of God.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.69-79
• /
• 2017

This study focuses on the fact that the past government has been consistent with the one-sided withdrawal policy without any clear countermeasures in relation to the ongoing nuclear development of the DPRK. The purpose of this study is to improve the understanding of South Korea's North Korea policy and to present the direction of the North Korea policy in the future by comparing and researching the North Korea policy pursued by Lee Myung - bak government / Park-Geun-Hye government. Such an attempt will provide a basis for evaluating the previous government's policies toward North Korea, and will also help to find alternatives to sustainable inter-Korean relations and North Korea policy to achieve a unified Korea.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.5
• /
• pp.173-202
• /
• 2007

After successful nuclear tests Pakistan launched a more severe surprise attack toward India than before. It is highly possible that North Korea will adopt this Pakistan military strategy if it is armed with nuclear weapons. The North Korean forces armed, with nuclear bombs could make double its war capability through strengthening aggressive force structure and come into effect on blocking reinforcement of the US forces at the initial phase of war time. Therefore we may regard that Pyongyang's nuclear arming is a major one of various factors which increase possibility of waging a conventional warfare or a nuclear war. North Korea's high self-confidence after nuclear arming will heighten tension on the Korean Peninsula via aggressive military threat or terror toward South Korea, and endeavor to accomplish its political purpose via low-intensity conflicts. For instance, nuclear arming of the Pyongyang regime enforces the North Korean forces to invade the Northern Limit Line(NLL), provoke naval battles at the West Sea, and occupy one or two among the Five Islands at the West Sea. In that case, the South Korean forces will be faced with a serious dilemma. In order to recapture the islands, Seoul should be ready for escalating a war. However it is hard to imagine that South Korea fights with North Korea armed with nuclear weapons. This paper concludes that the Pyongyang regime after nuclear arming strongly tends to occupy superiority of military strategy and wage military provocations on the Korean Peninsula.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
• /
• 2017.05a
• /
• pp.371-372
• /
• 2017

The United States has built a missile defense system from the Cold War era, but since the end of the Cold War era, there have been many changes in international situation and threats. The forces of power divided between the United States and the Soviet Union have become increasingly threatened by China's willingness to expand its external influence, declaration of strong Russia and North Korea and Iran's nuclear armament and advanced ballistic missile technology. In response to this threat change, the Missile Defense Agency(MDA) has established strategies and policies, but its parent law has not been revised. United States changed to the FY2017 National Defense Authorization Act (FY2017 NDAA) including changed missile defense strategy. In this paper, I check US ballistic missile defense strategies included in the FY2017 NDAA and compare what changes have been made in existing strategies.

• Journal of Radiation Protection and Research
• /
• v.41 no.1
• /
• pp.31-39
• /
• 2016

Background: It is necessary to consider the overall countermeasure for analysis of nuclear activities according to the increase of the nuclear facilities like nuclear power and reprocessing plants in the neighboring countries including China, Taiwan, North Korea, Japan and South Korea. South Korea and comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty organization (CTBTO) are now operating the monitoring instruments to detect radionuclides released into the air. It is important to estimate the origin of radionuclides measured using the detection technology as well as the monitoring analysis in aspects of investigation and security of the nuclear activities in neighboring countries. Materials and methods: A three-dimensional forward/backward trajectory model has been developed to estimate the origin of radionuclides for a covert nuclear activity. The developed trajectory model was composed of forward and backward modules to track the particle positions using finite difference method. Results and discussion: A three-dimensional trajectory model was validated using the measured data at Chernobyl accident. The calculated results showed a good agreement by using the high concentration measurements and the locations where was near a release point. The three-dimensional trajectory model had some uncertainty according to the release time, release height and time interval of the trajectory at each release points. An atmospheric dispersion model called long-range accident dose assessment system (LADAS), based on the fields of regards (FOR) technique, was applied to reduce the uncertainties of the trajectory model and to improve the detective technology for estimating the radioisotopes emission area. Conclusion: The detective technology developed in this study can evaluate in release area and origin for covert nuclear activities based on measured radioisotopes at monitoring stations, and it might play critical tool to improve the ability of the nuclear safety field.

• Geophysics and Geophysical Exploration
• /
• v.13 no.3
• /
• pp.243-248
• /
• 2010

Two suspicious events, which were claimed as underground nuclear tests by North Korea, were detected in the northern Korean Peninsula on October 9, 2006 and May 25, 2009. The KIGAM and Korea-China Joint seismic stations are distributed uniformly along the boundaries between North Korea and adjacent countries. In this study, the data from broadband stations with the distance of 200 to 550 km from the test site are used to analyze and compare two nuclear tests of North Korea. By comparing the time differences of the Pn-wave arrival times of 1st and 2nd tests at multiple stations, the relative locations of two test sites could be calculated precisely. From the geometrical calculation with the velocity of Pn wave $V_{Pn}$ = 8 km/s, the 2nd test site is estimated to move in the WNW direction from 1st one with the distance of 2 km. Body wave magnitude, mb of the 2nd test, which was announced officially as the network average of 4.5, varies widely with the directional location of stations from 4.1 to 5.2. The magnitude obtained from Lg wave, $m_b$(Lg), shows less variation between 4.3 to 4.7 with the average of 4.6. The moving-window spectra of time traces of 1st and 2nd tests show very similar pattern with different scale level. In addition, the corner frequencies of P wave of 1st and 2nd tests at each station show no or negligible difference. This indicates the burial depths of two tests might be very similar. The relative yield amount of the 2nd test is estimated 8 times larger than that of the 1st from the weighted average of ground-velocity amplitude ratios.

• Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
• /
• v.16 no.1
• /
• pp.56-69
• /
• 2022

Various advanced countries are accelerating the competition in the development of hypersonic weapons. North Korea is on the verge of building a new submarine equipped with a submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM). A series of new guided missiles tests have continued due to political competition between the U.S. and China. The Republic of Korea is planning to boost its military capabilities, which involves the development of nuclear-powered submarines, light aircraft carriers, and new guided missiles. The northeast Asian region continues to be tense amid military rivalry between the Republic of Korea, North Korea, the United States, China, Russia, and Japan. Accordingly, these countries' competition to develop weapons is also at the world's highest level. In this paper, we examine the functioning of a hypersonic weapons system conduct a technical analysis of its components. In addition, we analyze the direction of military development that the Korean military wants to pursue through the recently announced mid-term defense plan. We conclude by highlighting the technical limitations and implementation strategies to overcome the development of hypersonic weapons.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.39
• /
• pp.114-139
• /
• 2016

Korea and China are neighboring countries with close contacts in many areas from long time ago, and have shared interests in maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula, and in deepening economic relationship which has been mutually complementary in their nature. Therefore their bilateral relations has been developed at a remarkable pace to the extent that it can't be better than now. However, the differences in their responses to North Korean nuclear test and ensuing long-range ballistic missile test-fire and the Chinese strong concern on the possible deployment of THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Air Defence) anti-missile system in Korea show that there are some weaknesses in their relations. For example, Korea is not still confident that China would fully implement the sanction measures contained in the UNSC resolution and I argue that Chinese proposal of parallel negotiation of the denuclearization and the replacement of Korean armistice with the Peace Agreement is not much persuasive. In THAAD issue, if Korea comes to conclusion in the future that THAAD is the most effective way to counter North Korean threats, Korea should make every efforts to assure China that Korea-US alliance is not targeting China, and the THAAD is a defensive system, not damaging Chinese security. In the longer-term, deepening strategic distrust and competition between the US and China in this part of East Asia, changing nature of economic cooperation between Korea and China, and the revival of 'great country mentality' by Chinese people together with the rising nationalism in both Korea and China would cast shadow on Korea-China relation in the years ahead, unless properly handled. In this regard, I suggest that the security communications between the two countries be further strengthened, and the tri-lateral dialogue channel be established among the three countries of Korea, the US and China, particularly on North Korean issues. I also suggest the new pattern of economic cooperation be sought, considering the changing economic environment in China, while strengthening the efforts to understand each other through more interactions between the two peoples.