• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.54 no.5
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• pp.551-562
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• 2003

Background : NF-${\kappa}B$ is a characteristic transcriptional factor which has been shown to regulate production of acute inflammatory mediators and to be involved in the pathogenesis of many inflammatory lung diseases. There has been some evidence that PI3K/Akt pathway could activate NF-${\kappa}B$ in human cell lines. However, the effect of PI3K/Akt pathway on the activation of NF-${\kappa}B$ varied depending on the cell lines used in the experiments. In this study we evaluated the effect of PI3K/Akt pathway on the activation of NF-${\kappa}B$ in human respiratory epithelial cell lines. Methods : BEAS-2B, A549 and NCI-H157 cell lines were used in this experiment. To evaluate the activation of Akt activation and I${\kappa}B$ degradation, cells were analysed by western blot assay using phospho-specific Akt Ab and $I{\kappa}B$ Ab. To block PI3K/Akt pathway, cells were pretreated with wortmannin or LY294002 and transfected with dominant negative Akt (DN-Akt). For IKK activity, immune complex kinase assay was performed. To evaluate the DNA binding affinity and transcriptional activity of NF-${\kappa}B$, electrophoretic mobility shift assay (EMSA) and luciferase assay were performed, respectively. Results : In BEAS-2B, A549 and NCI-H157 cell lines, Akt was activated by TNF-$\alpha$ and insulin. Activation of Akt by insulin did not induce $I{\kappa}B{\alpha}$ degradation. Blocking of PI3K/Akt pathway via wortmannin/LY294002 or DN-Akt did not inhibit TNF-$\alpha$-induced $I{\kappa}B{\alpha}$ degradation or IKK activation. Inhibition of PI3K/Akt did not affect TNF-$\alpha$-induced NF-${\kappa}B$ activation. Overexpression of DN-Akt did not block TNF-$\alpha$-induced transcriptional activation of NF-${\kappa}B$, but wortmannin enhanced TNF-$\alpha$-induced in NF-${\kappa}B$ transcriptional activity. Conclusion : PI3K/Akt was not involved in TNF-$\alpha$-induced $I{\kappa}B{\alpha}$ degradation or transcriptional activity of NF-${\kappa}B$ in human respiratory epithelial cell lines.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.219-228
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• 2003

Purpose: The amount of salvaged myocardium is an important prognostic factor in patients with acute myocardial infarction (MI). We investigated if early Tl-201 SPECT imaging could be used to predict the salvaged myocardium and functional recovery in acute MI after primary PTCA. Materials and Methods: In 36 patients with first acute MI treated with primary PTCA, serial echocardiography and Tl-201 SPECT imaging ($5.8{\pm}2.1$ days after PTDA) were performed. Regional wall motion and perfusion were quantified with on 16-segment myocardial model with 5-point and 4-point scaling system, respectively. Results: Wall motion was improved in 78 of the 212 dyssynergic segments on 1 month follow-up echocardiography and 97 on 7 months follow-up echocardiography, which were proved to be salvaged myocardium. The areas under receiver operating characteristic curves of Tl-201 perfusion score for detecting salvaged myocardial segments were 0.79 for 1 month follow-up and 0.83 for 7 months follow-up. The sensitivity and specificity of Tl-201 redistribution images with optimum cutoff of 40% of peak thallium activity for detecting salvaged myocardium were 84.6% and 55.2% for 1 month follow-up, and 87.6% and 64.3% for 7 months follow-up, respectively. There was a linear relationship between the percentage of peak thallium activity on early redistribution imaging and the likelihood of segmental functional improvement 7 months after reperfusion. Conclusion: Tl-201 myocardial perfusion SPECT imaging performed early within 10 days after reperfusion can be used to predict the salvaged myocardium and functional recovery with high sensitivity during the 7 months following primary PTCA in patients with acute MI.

• Childhood Kidney Diseases
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.142-149
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• 2003

Purpose : The urinary mass screening program for the detection of urinary abnormalities in school aged population has been performed in Seoul since 1981. Nation-wide urinary mass screening program was also performed since 1998. The aim of this study was to analyze the cause and nature of isolated proteinuria detected by chance on the urinary mass screening test in Busan and Kyungsangnam-do Province Methods : The medical records of 44 cases of isolated proteinuria detected by chance on the urinary mass screening test in Busan and Kyungsangnam-do Province, and evaluated for urinary abnormalities at the pediatrics outpatients renal clinics of Busan Paik Hospital from April 2002 to August 2003 were reviewed prospectively. Results : The cause and incidence of isolated proteinuria were as follows; transient proteinuria 4 cases(9.1%), orthostatic proteinuria 36 cases(81.8%) and persistent proteinuria 4 cases (9.1%). The total protein amount of the 24 hour urine were $121.0{\pm}136.4\;mg$ in transient proteinuria, $179.1{\pm}130.0\;mg$ in orthostatic proteinuria and $1532.8{\pm}982.5\;mg$ in persistent proteinuria. In the orthostatic proteinuria group, the total protein amount of the 24 hour urine was in the range of 40-616 mg. Spot urine protein/creatinine ratio(PCR) were $0.10{\pm}0.01$ in transient proteinuria, $0.61{\pm}0.61$ in orthostatic proteinuria and $4.35{\pm}4.04$ in persistent proteinuria. In the orthostatic proteinuria group, spot me PCR was in the range of 0.09-2.32. Renal biopsy was peformed in 4 children of the persisitent proteinuria group. They showed minimal change in 1 case, membranoproliferatiye glomerulonephritis in 2 cases and secondary renal amyloidosis in 1 case. Conclusion : The majority of isolated proteinuria which was detected by chance on school urinary mass screening were transient or orthostatic proteinuria. Even though the incidence of persistent proteinuria was much lower, it is necessary to take care of these children regularly and continuously, because persistent proteinuria itself is a useful marker of the progressive renal problems.

• Nuclear Medicine and Molecular Imaging
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.307-313
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• 2008

Purpose: Vascular endothelial growth factor (VEGF) and its receptor, fetal liver kinase 1 (Flk-1), play an important role in vascular permeability and tumor angiogenesis. The aim of this study is to evaluate the therapeutic efficacy of $^{131}I$ labeled anti-Flk-1 monoclonal antibody (DC101) on the growth of melanoma tumor, which is known to be very aggressive in vivo. Materials and Methods: Balb/c nude mice were injected subcutaneously with melanoma cells in the right flank. Tumors were allowed to grow up to $200-250\;mm^3$ in volume. Gamma camera imaging and biodistribution studies were performed to identify an uptake of $^{131}I$-DC101 in various organs. Mice with tumor were randomly divided into five groups (10 mice per group) and injected intravenously; control PBS (group 1), $^{131}I$-DC101 $50\;{\mu}g/mouse$ (group 2), non-labeled DC101 $50\;{\mu}g/mouse$ (group 3), $^{131}I$-DC101 $30\;{\mu}g/mouse$ (group 4) and $15\;{\mu}g/mouse$ (group 5) every 3 or 4 days for 20 days. Tumor volume was measured with caliper twice a week. Results: In gamma camera images, the uptake of $^{131}I$-DC101 into tumor and thyroid was increased with time. Biodistribution results showed that the radioactivity of blood and other major organ was gradually decreased with time whereas tumor uptake was increased up to 48 hr and then decreased. After 4th injection of $^{131}I$-DC101, tumor volume of group 2 and 4 was significantly smaller than that group 1. After 5th injection, the tumor volume of group 5 also significantly reduced. Conclusion: These results indicated that delivery of $^{131}I$ to tumor using FlK-1 antibody, DC101, effectively blocks tumor growth in aggressive melanoma xenograft model.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.17-23
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• 1976

In order to investigate the fate of nitrogen in the paddy soil, Suchang, Hwasoon and Susan soil which have different properties, were treated with several nitrogen fertilizers such as ammonium chloride, ammonium sulfate, urea and SCU (sulfur-coated urea), and incubated under water-logged condition in $30^{\circ}C$ incubator. $NH_4-N$, $NO_3-N$, $Fe^{++}$ and pH in soil and stagnant water, were determined at 10, 20, 30, 40 and 50 days after incubation. The obtained results were summarized as follows: 1. The effect of rising temperature was increased in order of Hwasoon>Suchang>Susan and the effect of air drying soil was risen in order of Susan>Hwasoon>Suchang, while the rate of ammonication was in order of Susan>Suchang>Hwasoon. 2. The changes of $NH_4-N$ in stagnant water was dependent upon the nitrogen concentration of $NH_4Cl$ and $(NH_4)SO_4$ plat was high and decreased after 30 days incubation, but increased after 40 days and then decreased again. In contrast with the above, $NH_4-N$ concentration of urea and SCU plot was low but the change showed slightly through the incubation period. 3. Accumulation of $NH_4-N$ in the oxidative layer of the $NH_4Cl$ and $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot was higher than that of urea and SCU plot and $NH_4-N$ content was decreased with the incubation period. The change of $NH_4-N$ in the reductive layer showed the same pattern. 4. The changes of $NO_3-N$ in the stagnant water were different according to soil properties and nitrogen fertilizer. $NO_3-N$ concentration in stagnant water of urea and SCU plot was higher than in the $NH_4-Cl$ $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot and nearly disappeared after 30 to 40 days incubation. 5. The $NO_3-N$ concentration in the oxidative layer of soil was higher than reductive layer. The pattern of change was different in accordance with soil properties and nitrogen fertilizers. In general, nitrification in urea and SCU plot was more increased than $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot. In reductive layer, the concentration of $NO_3-N$ was very low until 30 days incubation and thereafter increased slightly. 6. Upon the concentration of $NH_4-N$ and $NO_3-N$ in stagnant water and soil, it was assumed that denitification of urea and SCU plot was higher than $NH_4Cl$ and $(NH_4)_2SO_4$ plot and denitrified nitrogen in incubation period was above 50%.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.309-334
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• 2012

This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.147-170
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• 2014

To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.79-132
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• 2016

The view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe includes all the gods of Heaven and Earth, and the human heart is taken as the foundational key. Practitioners can realize their value according to how much they have cultivated themselves. This is regarded as the mythical use of a singularly focused mind (full dedication of one's heart). In other words, it focuses on the potentiality of humans who are able to enter a transcendental area of divinity through their self-cultivation. This view of life and death in Daesoonjinrihoe was established by the religious mission known as "Samgye Gongsa (the Reordering of Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity)." Samgye Gongsa indicated a new opening of the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. This new opening is a return to the original principle of Heavenly operation and also a new order for the universe. Heaven and Earth have their own underlying principle by which they operate. This act was directly initiated and manifested from Dao. Daesoonjinrihoe diagnoses that the underlying principle by which Heaven operates was damaged by human misconduct, and as a result, the human observance of that principle fell out of common usage. Therefore, Daesoonjinrihoe gives priority to the reestablishment of Dao as it existed originally and tries to bring about reconciliation between Heaven and Earth and Humanity. In short, it resolves the grievances accrued since time immemorial by correcting the order of Sindo (Divine Law). Furthermore, it shows that the Dao of Sangsaeng (mutual beneficence) was created by reordering the arrangement of Heaven and Earth so that human beings and divine beings could reach a state of perfection through self-realization. Humans not only communicate with Heaven and Earth, but also communicate with divine beings. Divine beings are transcendent living beings capable of communicating with humans through their heart-minds. In Daesoon thought, human beings are not swayed by the power of divine beings, but instead are able to control divine beings through the transcendent power of their heart-minds. Given this view, the aim of Daesoonjinrihoe lies in participating in the harmony of Heaven and Earth through the cultivation of the human heart. Also, it sees that the human heart-mind can be united with the universal Dao, and thus it is able to be united with the deities of Heaven and Earth. In order to actualize this, one does not rely on exterior rituals or magic but has to focus instead on cultivating the moral ethics of the heart-mind to reach perfection. In other words, one can reach a transcendent level in one's heart-mind through the cultivation of a singularly focused mind and be free from the contradiction of life and death and other such torments. Life and death is an inevitable process for humans. So they do not have to be happy for life and sad for death. They can rather be free from the fear of death by fulfilling the energetic zenith of the human heart-mind via training themselves to transcend their physical bodies. No aging and no death is not a pursuit of radical longevity or immortality for the physical body, but rather a pursuit of the essence of life and the realization of eternity on a spiritual level. Daesoonjinrihoe pursues the state of being unified with Dao by developing "Jeong·Gi·Sin (精·氣·神 the internal energies of essence, pneuma, and spirit)" and trying to reach the transcendent state of non-aging and radical longevity by spurring the practice of self-realization and the discovery one's own innate nature. Through the practice of human ethics, they can access the creative functions of Heaven and Earth and become one with Heavenly Dao thereby achieving harmony between temporal existence and eternity. In this way, humans transcend the life and death of their physical bodies. When "Doins (trainees of Dao)" reach the true state of unification with Dao through singularly focused cultivation, they not only realize self perfection as human beings, but also enable themselves the means to do away with all disasters and forms of suffering. They thereby attain ultimate happiness in their lives.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.5-38
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• 2020

The current state of performance halls in South Korea is closely related to the performance art and culture of the nation as the culture of putting on and enjoying a performance is deeply rooted in public culture and arts halls representing each area at the local government level. Today, public culture and arts halls have multiple management purposes, and the subjects of their management are in the public domain including the central and local governments or investment and donation foundations in overwhelming cases. Public culture and arts halls thus have close correlations with the institutional aspect of cultural policies as the objects of culture and art policies at the central and local government level. The full-blown era of public culture and arts halls opened up in the 1980s~1990s, during which multi-purpose performance halls of a similar structure became universal around the nation. Public culture and arts halls of the uniform shape were distributed around the nation with no premise of genre characteristics or local environments for arts, and this was attributed to the cultural policies of the military regime. The Park Chung-hee regime proclaimed Yusin that was beyond the Constitution and enacted the Culture and Arts Promotion Act(September, 1972), which was the first culture and arts act in the nation. Based on the act, a five-year plan for the promotion of culture and arts(1973) was made and led to the construction of cultural facilities. "Public culture and arts" halls or "culture" halls were built to serve multiple purposes around the nation because the Culture and Arts Promotion Act, which is called the starting point of the nation's legal system for culture and arts, defined "culture and arts" as "matters regarding literature, art, music, entertainment, and publications." The definition became a ground for the current "multi-purpose" concept. The organization of Ministry of Culture and Public Information set up a culture and administration system to state its supervision of "culture and arts" and distinguish popular culture from the promotion of arts. During the period, former President Park exhibited his perception of "culture=arts=culture and arts" in his speeches. Arts belonged to the category of culture, but it was considered as "culture and arts." There was no department devoted to arts policies when the act was enacted with a broad scope of culture accepted. This ambiguity worked as a mechanism to mobilize arts in ideological utilizations as a policy. Against this backdrop, the Sejong Center for the Performing Arts, a multi-purpose performance hall, was established in 1978 based on the Culture and Arts Promotion Act under the supervision of Ministry of Culture and Public Information. There were, however, conflicts of value over the issue of accepting the popular music among the "culture and arts = multiple purposes" of the system, "culture ≠ arts" of the cultural organization that pushed forward its establishment, and "culture and arts = arts" perceived by the powerful class. The new military regime seized power after Coup d'état of December 12, 1979 and failed at its culture policy of bringing the resistance force within the system. It tried to differentiate itself from the Park regime by converting the perception into "expansion of opportunities for the people to enjoy culture" to gain people's supports both from the side of resistance and that of support. For the Chun Doo-hwan regime, differentiating itself from the previous regime was to secure legitimacy. Expansion of opportunities to enjoy culture was pushed forward at the level of national distribution. This approach thus failed to settle down as a long-term policy of arts development, and the military regime tried to secure its legitimacy through the symbolism of hardware. During the period, the institutional ground for public culture and arts halls was based on the definition of "culture and arts" in the Culture and Arts Promotion Act enacted under the Yusin system of the Park regime. The "multi-purpose" concept, which was the management goal of public performance halls, was born based on this. In this context of the times, proscenium performance halls of a similar structure and public culture and arts halls with a similar management goal were established around the nation, leading to today's performance art and culture in the nation.