• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.15
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• pp.109-122
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• 2009

Cultural policy, a part of ideological policy has affected remarkable changes in movie and animation. Korean animation was called cartoon movie and popular only among children, but works dealing with anti-communism ideology have been introduced in Korea since before/after 1970s. Animation focusing on ideology is not unique in Korea, but division of two Koreas after Korean War made great influence on social, cultural and educational aspects of the nation. Moreover, modification in movie-related laws and regulations made in 1960s - 1970s affected movie and animation significantly and is a means of strengthening anti-communism. In particular, Director Cheong-gi Kim's released in 1978 is meaningful in that it is the first long piece of animation movie. In this study, I clarify anticommunistic ideology reflected on the anticommunistic animations and the imageable expression of ideology reflected on . Most of all, I emphasize on clarifying how the cultural policies and social & cultural background influence on the advent of anticommunistic animation in 1960${\sim}$1970. Also, to communicate anticommunistic ideology reflected on produced under the social & cultural background, I clarify the expressive characteristic which the image of animation has.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.7 no.12
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• pp.55-65
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• 2007

The commercial value of the Korean animation was developed by the government's policies of revitalizing reform and national harmony from 1960 to the middle of 1980. Especially, the character of the anti communistic animation was organized by the structure of confrontation between South (good) and North (evil). The confrontation was viewed by communism and liberal democracy by red and white (or blue) and a pig or a boy. Such ideology and the policy of Korean culture gave some impact on its culture, for example, movie and animation. The animation became the tool of educating the idea of anti-communism and the policy of Korean culture by firming the policy of anti communism. But that animation of anti communism must not be blamed because it is a general animation of Korea which describes the reality. We have to take a hard view of the time and reconsider it by the new point of view.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2016.05a
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• pp.93-94
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• 2016

본 연구는 선우휘의 <불꽃>을 중심으로 그의 작가의식을 연구한 것이다. 논의 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선우휘의 소설에는 현실도피와 역사의식의 부재가 있다. 둘째, 그는 반공주의에 깊게 영향을 받았다. 셋째, 역사적 각성이 제거된 행동만을 보여준다. 넷째, 냉전 이데올로기에 따른 국가주의에 순응한다. 이런 점에서 그는 반공 이데올로그로 볼 수 있다.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.249
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• pp.24-24
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• 1999

"변경"은 먼저 작가의 삶에 밀착된 자전성을 거론할 수 있다. '왜 쓰는가'의 근원적 질문에 대한 답을 여기서 풀어낸다. 또한 "변경"은 개인적 기록을 벗어나 한 시대를 문제삼고 있다. 휴전 이후 반공 이데올로기가 극단화되고 유신에 이르는 정치적 혼란기를 살아나간 이들의 생존과정에서 작가는 분단시대라는 억압구조를 포착해낸다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.681-692
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• 2016

What is the socio-cultural meaning of the 1980s' Korean robot animations? What is the periodical backgrounds making this meaning? This study has attempted to lay the foundation stone of the answer for the questions. To do that, this study selected Roboteu King(Yeong-rang Bae, 1980) and Super Titan 15(Seung-cheol Park, 1983) as the objects of the textual analysis. To grasp the periodical identity, it has examined the cold war ideology that has been the basis of the political and economic environments of Korea. Findings are as follows. Korea was vulnerable to general environments after the Korean War; accordingly, Korea took the-dependence-on-the-US strategy in terms of various aspects including national security, scientific technology, and industry economy. This kind of socio-cutural condition was represented through the narratives of the early 1980s' Korean robot animations. Their narratives including the advance of plots, the roles of Korean protagonists, the technological gap between the planets and earth, and so forth were quite dependent on extraterrestrials and contained anticommunist ideology.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.387-415
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• 2009

The crisis of moral-ethical school subject is related to the scientific identity of moral education in Korean society. Because it's identity hasn't been established yet exactly. At past time 'National Ethics' included not only moral education, but also anti-Communist education and education of political ideology or propaganda. The scientific foundation of ethical education is on ethics, and it is a branch of philosophy. But to escape this fact, some scholars relating with ethical education claimed to need 'interdisciplinary approach' to ethical subject. As a result, they allowed other department to give their certificates. Futhermore it is at a crisis to be integrated into social subject. Philosophy as scientific origin of ethics has already not interdisciplinary character but the idea of integrated science. So there is no necessity for finding another scientific foundation. Now following the original goal of ethical education, they try to train the ability of moral judgement to solve various moral problems rationally, and to cultivate moral disposition that can practice the ideal and principles of life.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.72-81
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• 2009

This article deals with the relation of korean animation and film policy from the late 1960s to early 1980s. The korean film policy was based on ideology of modernization. Animation industry was under the this policy. The result of effect of this film policy on animation was following. Firstly, there was the boom up of making of animation. Secondly was increasing of subcontract. The encouragement of exportation of government drove many companies to this trend. Lastly, many animations conspired to exercise the ideology of regime. Example was anti-communist animation. In that period the historical specificity of Korean animation had been built in these process.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.17
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• pp.112-144
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• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.239-273
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• 2005

This study compares the Korean and U.S. media's coverage of the No Gun Ri massacre, analyzing their usages of sources in the stories and explaining by the perspective of media sociology why they differed in them. For the comparison with the AP's report, we selected only the reports of the Korean media which dealt with the incident itself. It was found that most of the Korean media utilized a very small number of sources, and that they relied on the victims alone. In contrast, the AP's sources were much more numerous drawn from both the victims and offenders. As a result, the Korean media failed to ensure the 'diversity of sources' and to illuminate the whole picture of the incident, although they had started to report it far earlier than the AP. From the depth interviews with the reporters, through the framework of media sociology, it was found first at the personal level, that the difference was brought about by the divergent news evaluation. It seemed that the Korean journalists regarded the incident with relatively lower news value than their U.S. counterparts. Next, at the intra-organizational level, it was conceded, neither did the Korean new media have so flexible news collecting system, nor so murk man-power and resource as the AP, which were required for the coverage of such an incident. The Korean media had not established the convention to utilize various sources with conflicting interests. Last, at the extra-organizational level, the Korean news media's coverage was still influenced by the self-censorship mechanism due to the ideologies of 'pro-Americanism' and 'anti-communism', even though the democratization of Korean society itself enabled the sensitive incident to be dealt with eventually by the media.