• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.374
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• pp.96-97
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• 2007

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.53
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• pp.5-43
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• 2017

This article adapts the democratic approach to the National Archives System. We must now search for a new archival landscape. Authors are agreeing that democracy is a basic principle for the new national archives model. This research looks into the direction of reform of the national record organizations in terms of individuality, integrity, and professionalism. It is, the fact that there are discussions rising on the need to reform the national records organization in the recent perspective of democracy. Democracy is a system that takes responsibility of even the results. This article describes all the discussions on what the best model for national archives system could be. In this social regulation, the archives carry out a noble mission of accountability. The discussion that suggests a clear perspective of democracy must be taken in to notice. Authors try to represent the voices of records managers. They also argue that records managers are the common wealth for our society. The national archives system is now the signature for the moral identity of national ruling powers. We argue that the new archives model should be derived from the point of the Candle Revolution.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.1-20
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• 2018

Southeast Asia witnessed a paradox of political stagnation and economic development in 2017. The 'dual order' of security dependence on America and economic dependence on China was sustained in East Asia. In this regard, Southeast Asia of two faces was quite similar to broader East Asia. On one hand, the old socialist group with totalitarian nostalgia lurked in the buffer zone between totalitarianism and authoritarianism, while the original capitalist group under democratic disguise roamed in the gray zone between authoritarianism and democracy. On the other, the old socialist group with the legacy of the planned economy succumbed to the temptation of the Beijing Consensus on state capitalism, while the original capitalist group with the myth of the market economy was exposed to the pressure of the Washington Consensus on liberal capitalism. The ASEAN Community representing the regional integration of Southeast Asia was caught in the strategic predicament of a looming 'new cold war' between the continental and maritime powers.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.41-58
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• 2009

Historically the relation between the power and archives is inseparable. Archives are the recorded traces of political actions and an intention of power has a considerable effect on the existence of archives. In the democratic society the power serves people on the basis of the archives adopted as an evidence of political actions. Archives play an important role for the balance of power, which is a principle point of democracy. Considering the function and symbolism of archives, its proper and reasonable management is connected directly to the protection of people's rights.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.249
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• pp.6-6
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• 1999

인문학의 위기와 극복, 전통사상의 계승과 보편주의, 자본주의와 민주주의 같은 문제들은 세기 전환을 앞두고 있는 올해도 철학적 성찰의 중심 주제가 될 것이다. 불투명한 세기말 상황에서 정신의 방향을 설정하기 위한 치열한 철학적 성찰이 요청되기 때문이다.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

Recently, in the conservative wave in Latin America, the political participation of the conservative Pentecostal Church has been highlighted. This article analyzes the impact of this political participation on democracy and its development, based on the case of Brazil. First, the Pentecostal churches contributed greatly to religious pluralism, but show an exclusive and aggressive attitude toward other religions and ideologies. Also, in the process of selecting official candidates, most members of the churches are politically mobilized according to the unilateral decisions of the leadership, and these elected candidates serve the specific corporatist interests of their own denomination or church rather than the public interest. In addition, the purpose of political participation to obtain public offices is also a stumbling block to the development of democracy in Brazil by placing it in the direct realization of a specific religious interests or values of the rebuilding of the Christian kingdom.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-47
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• 2017

This paper examines how democracy is being taught in secondary school level of Indonesian civic education. For this purpose, this study analyses the textbook contents concerning democracy. First, this study sets the freedom, the right, the unity and the stability as key words and analyzes the characteristic of describing democracy by looking at how each keyword is explained in the textbook. The result of analysis shows that democracy of Indonesia can be described as "Pancasila democracy" and textbooks have tendency to relatively emphasize 'the unity', and 'the stability' by differentiating themselves from "liberal democracy" and "liberalism." The freedom in textbook can be interpreted in the context of organic-statism that state and interests of state have the ascendancy over individuals. This viewpoint is based on the historical contexts of Indonesia. However, when textbook describes about Indonesian democracy and its values, they deal with contents of democratic principles, "the freedom of opposition", "the negative freedom", and natural rights. And the study interprets the existence of the two contrasting concepts - relative emphasis on the unity of state and the statement about the importance of individual rights and the freedom - in the textbook as a logical tension in transitional process of traditional organic-statism. Second, the study examines educational contents in accordance with the method of description in textbook. It has been found that there are logical tension and fallacy in describing the principle of fundamental concepts and applicate that concepts into Indonesia case. Also, when describing Marsinah and Munir case, there are some parts distorted and overlooked the facts. On the other hand, the gaps between the explanation in textbook and reality can be pointed out. This study which examined textbook and contents of the rights of the individual is an introductory study on textbook, education and democracy for development of Indonesia and their education.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.307-322
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• 2017

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.187-194
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• 2021