• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.

• Monthly Korean Chicken
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• s.127
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• pp.90-92
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• 2006

지난해 12월 23일 오후 2시에 필자는 육계자조금 대의원 총회를 축하하려고 그 현장에 갔다가 '자조금과 민주주의'의 단면을 다시금 실감하고 그냥 돌아왔다. 폭설과 정족수 등의 문제도 있었지만 준비위 세 단체의 이견이 제대로 조정되지 않은 채 그 중요한 대의원회 우선 열고 봐야 했다는 점을 알았기 때문이다. 오히려 딴 이유가 생겨 불필요한 토론과 혼란이 불가피 했을 첫 모임에 그럴듯한 구실을 만들어 준 것이 다행이었는지도 모른다는 씁쓸한 생각까지 하게 된 것이다. 자조금은 많은 논란을 거치고 나야 비로소 자리가 잡힌다. 민주주의 성취와 마찬가지이다. 육계 의무자조금도 이제까지 준비과정에서 겪어온 일과 앞으로 결코 쉽지 않을 것 같은 절차를 너무나 당연한 것으로 여겨야 할 것이다. 여럿이 참여하는 민주주의가 어디 마음대로 잘 되어지던가.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.193-213
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• 2020

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people's democracy.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-76
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• 2017

This paper focus on universal values and characteristics of populist parties of the Western Europe. Moreover, the causes of the European populist parties successful political activities in the European society, in which democracy is relatively established, quite stably, examined as well. Populist political activities based on simple speech are evidently unfair political actions mobilizing the unreasonable populace. populist politics is difficult to coexist with the modern Western European democracy.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.81-95
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• 2019

This study explores how the advanced data analysis capabilities of intelligent information technology are being utilized in politics. In particular, we focus on the fact that voter behavioral targeting in election campaigns comes into conflict with the democratic process in various ways. For this purpose, this study examines political micro-targeting and political bots. It is aimed at showing that these technology-based campaign techniques work as a factor preventing free expression of opinions and discussions, which are the core of democracy itself. Then we identify the attributes of the algorithm that affects them. As a result, this study suggests that the following issues might arise regarding intelligent information technology-based politics and democracy. First, inequality in political participation becomes more severe. Second, the public debate between voters gets more difficult. Third, superficial politics is prevalent. Fourth, single-issue politics and the exclusion of political representation is likely to increase. Fifth, political privacy might also be invaded. Based on our discussions, this study concludes that it is our role to find ways by which intelligent information technology and democracy can coexist.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.84
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• pp.5-32
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• 2009

It is becoming harder and harder to philosophically defend liberalism in general under the circumstances in which neoliberalism is presumed to be blamed for today's global economic crisis. I nonetheless believe that liberal democracy can be revitalized with the help not from outside but from inside, although this might make my paper 'untimely'. Philosophical reflection on market is indispensible to the project of radical liberalism. Philosophy of market first delves into the nature of market in Principle. Next, it stipulates upon the complex interrelationships between the market order and the democratic order. This inquiry will cast light on that both the standard pro-market theory and the anti-market theory in relation to democracy are one-sided. The project of radical liberalism can be further articulated with the introduction of the concept of 'the political'. In conclusion, radical liberalism is expounded as a plausible version of Contemporary Korean social philosophy with a universal connotation.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.709-718
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• 2020

Even after Fukuyama declared "The End of History" in 1989, the challenge to liberal democracy continues. Controversy about totalitarianism is constantly being raised both internally and externally in democratic countries and leaders, as well as the US-China war of supremacy. In this paper, I explored a hypothesis about the totalitarian process, and to explain this hypothesis, I analyzed the case of Venezuela, which was once referred to as a welfare model state. This paper presupposes Fukuyama's insistence on the universality of liberal democracy but considers the last man Nietzsche argues for the last man he assumes. Accordingly, the process of totalitarianism was viewed as a process in which totalitarianism was institutionalized and spread internationally through the linkage and interaction of the last fallen humans, the masses, and totalitarians in the international and domestic environments. According to this hypothesis, the Bol?var Revolution and Chavez show the process of transformation into a typical quasi-totalism. Although the Venezuelan people preferred democracy, they remained the last man who had become a man of "rich consciousness." While investigating this hypothesis, it was confirmed that extensive and interdisciplinary studies such as digital t otalitarianism and the development of science and technology should be followed.