• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2004

Balanced regional development' is rehabilitated as contemporary national agenda by Roh government. The regional equity policies has been justified as insuring more 'even development opportunity'. It is required further examination that the intrinsic relationships between spatial equity and 'the participatory democracy' of the government. The participatory democracy was estimated an important method to achieve 'the alternative development' of the new social movement. But the rapid evolution of transportation and electronic nudes of communication technology strengthened spatial concentration, especially concentration of authoritative resources. These concentrations have a tendency of participation exclusion in the symbolic social practice such as ideological and political decision-making. In order to realize participatory democracy, It is not sufficient to decentralize administration authorities. The reallocation and upbringing policies of symbolic practices such as cultural industries and education facilities is very important.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.265-285
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• 2009

The purpose of this study aims to interpretate the dynamics of the Social Citizenship of Marshall, and thereby to search a tool to evaluate the characteristics of social citizenship working at different welfare states and its developmental level. The existing study on the Marshall's Citizenship including the social citizenship mainly used to focus on Citizenship's composition, its basis and justification of rights to social citizenship. This implies to relatively neglect the concretization of social citizenship into social policy and its application to reality. Against this background, this study focuses on the embryological dynamics of Marshall's Social Citizenship and is to justify that social citizenship is historical concept which has been emerged in the complex development of modern capitalism, so called, the hyphenated society composed of Democracy, Capitalism and Welfarism. The study is to provide that complexity and dynamics of Marshall's social citizenship could be classified into some typology along political philosophical issues surrounding relationship between state and market and individual and community, and such typology can match the welfare state regime suggested by Esping-Anderson. Finally, this study is to prove that such typology could be used an analysis tool for current welfare states in the light of the welfare state regime.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.333-374
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• 2009

Korean traditional education emphasizes moral education than any other country or culture. Education is recognized as practical task for self-realization and self-transcendence in traditional Confucian community. This study starts from two questions. First, how moral education in Korea from late in the 19th, when the modernized schooling started, to now can be classified according to social and political circumstances? Second, what is the main issue of moral education in the progress of Korean education after independence from Japanese imperialism? Especially, this study focuses on reflecting and reviewing these issues by context of Eastern moral education. After late in the 19th century, moral education in Korea is divided into three types: "Education for loyalty and filial piety and Moral cultivation", "Citizenship education and Education for anti-communism", and "Moral education and Character education". This study mainly insists these types of moral education distort the sprit by political interests rather than inherit and develop sprit or basic value of moral education. Furthermore, this study discusses characteristic of moral education and way to improve based on important two issues in Korean society; "Nationalism in moral education" and "Western biased education" Making individual's free will into group consciousness in accordance with political power group's interests rather than developing moral community based on each one's character building, nationalism in moral education deepens self-alienation. Western biased education makes self-negation as it considers western as core, and Korea and other traditional ideas as side. This study emphasizes reanalysis Eastern moral education and need effort for understanding of Eastern moral education to overcome Western biased education in Korean moral education.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.5-28
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• 2010

The theoretical scope of the public sphere has been dramatically expanded as a result of new academic inquiries into the nature of the political and the public in contemporary societies. While appreciating the value of the concept of the public sphere for understanding democratic roles of the media, scholars began to raise questions on Habermasians' exclusive focus on news and public affairs programs, arguing that various entertainment programs also can invoke political deliberation. Terms like affective public sphere, emotional public sphere, aesthetic public sphere, expressive public sphere were used to capture this new conception. To comprehend the theoretical and practical implications of the conceptual expansion of the public sphere for media studies, this study attempted to provide a typology of media-public sphere relationships. By using public-private and rational-emotional axes as two criteria for classification, we created four prototypes of the public sphere (i.e., political public sphere, populism, difference pluralism, and intimacy/privacy) and discussed the characteristics of each type. After setting out media communication as a form of meta-public sphere that mediates and coordinates the four different types of the public sphere, we presented public service broadcasting as an exemplar meta-public sphere in the contemporary society of multiple social antagonisms and differences.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.113-140
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• 2009

Slovenia is the most model among the Eastern European countries which is achieving economic and political development. Slovenia succeeded to participate in EU in May 2004, and then was firstly a member of Eurozone among the Eastern Europe in January 2007. Although Slovenia is a small state with the population of about 2 million, carried out his duty as chairman of EU very completely since 1. January 2008. And anticipate that personal GDP will be over 28,000 dollars in 2008. Also, as is seen the last process of participation in EU and EMU, Slovenia is now establishing very well stable economic development and political democracy among the Eastern Europe. In this paper, I introduce about present situation of Slovenia after the entrance in EU and Eurozone. Especially, I analysis the process of joining in EU and EMU of Slovenia. and based on this, I study the positive and negative effects of joining in EU and Eurozone.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.467-490
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• 2009

This study seeks to improve the problems of analytical rigor and practical utility found in the concept of human security by examining ways to create a global governance system for the effective achievement of United Nations Millennium Development Goals(UN MDGs). This study regards poverty as the most fundamental threat to human security in order to achieve the analytical rigor of human security concept. At the same time, it also examines how to creating a global governance for achieving UN MDGs to improve practical utility of human security concept. The global governance system of MDGs should acquire global political representativeness, efficacy of policymaking process, and democracy within it. For these purposes, the creation of a "Global Summit for Development," the establishment of a more equal partnership between the states, international organizations, and NGOs, and institutionalization of operational and strategic cooperation among development institutions are proposed.