• 정보화사회
• /
• s.74
• /
• pp.42-45
• /
• 1994

표현의 자유는 민주국가에서 국민이 갖는 가장 중요한 기본권이다. 하지만 국가.사회적 법익과 상충될 경우 제한을 받는다. 이에 정보통신에 있어 지켜야 할 법익에는 어떤 것이 있는 지 알아보자.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.48
• /
• pp.270-273
• /
• 2016

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.53
• /
• pp.5-43
• /
• 2017

This article adapts the democratic approach to the National Archives System. We must now search for a new archival landscape. Authors are agreeing that democracy is a basic principle for the new national archives model. This research looks into the direction of reform of the national record organizations in terms of individuality, integrity, and professionalism. It is, the fact that there are discussions rising on the need to reform the national records organization in the recent perspective of democracy. Democracy is a system that takes responsibility of even the results. This article describes all the discussions on what the best model for national archives system could be. In this social regulation, the archives carry out a noble mission of accountability. The discussion that suggests a clear perspective of democracy must be taken in to notice. Authors try to represent the voices of records managers. They also argue that records managers are the common wealth for our society. The national archives system is now the signature for the moral identity of national ruling powers. We argue that the new archives model should be derived from the point of the Candle Revolution.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.19
• /
• pp.295-327
• /
• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• 사회경제평론
• /
• v.31 no.1
• /
• pp.147-171
• /
• 2018

In The Structure of Empire, Karatani Kojin discovers cosmopolitanism as an element of exchange mode D, and according to this, argues that the World Republic needs to sublate(aufheben) sovereign state and this sublation is to recover Empire at higher dimension from a different way of viewpoint. On the strength of this theoretical advance, Karatani Kojin's exchange mode D can embrace reciprocity of freedom, reciprocity of donation and cosmopolitanism as it's elements. But on the way to the World Republic which Karatani Kojin suggests, there still exists a theoretical missing link. This paper argues the missing link is no more than democracy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.60 no.3
• /
• pp.201-230
• /
• 2008

While the constitutional states emerged in the period of the constitutional monarchies to protect freedom and property of citizens from a illegal trespass of monarchs, the passive role of the constitutional states to protect them was changed in the modern parliamentary democracy in which the state is to play an active role to realize the basic rights. Today the state giving chances and social benefits to citizens plays a very important role so that the people may to enjoy a free life as a citizen. In the modern parliamentary democracy the role of the state, therefore, is transformed form passive roles to active ones realizing the basic rights for citizens. The active role of the state to embody the basic rights asks the parliament to bear more the responsibility for making laws than ever before. In the modern welfare state social rights are also recognized as a basic right. In this sense the parliament should play a active role to realize the social rights. But the Korean parliament excessively turns over his legislative right on the basis of a delegated legislation to the Administration. It does not fulfill its responsibility for which the modern parliamentary democracy asks. To realize the social rights the Korean parliament should play a more active role.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.18
• /
• pp.269-303
• /
• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.42 no.1
• /
• pp.31-54
• /
• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.146
• /
• pp.25-48
• /
• 2018

Starting from common sense that happiness is a state where needs are satisfied, this paper suggests the intelligence and the virtues for democratic citizens. The fact that human beings exist, relate to each other, and undertake activities which can become of moral worth when joined by autonomy, equality, and responsibility, respectively, is explained. It is also discussed that happy citizens should be able to exist autonomously in the face of political power, make an equal relationship with political power and fellow citizens, and undertake responsible activities. Lastly, it is suggested that happy citizens should be able to understand the plurality of value-contents, the similarity of value-forms, and the possibility of value-realization, and then be equipped with self-respect, mutual respect, and law-respect.

• 한국과학기술학회:학술대회논문집
• /
• 2004.06a
• /
• pp.87-95
• /
• 2004