• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.351-380
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• 2018

In every society, citizens must decide how to punish criminals, uphold the virtue of justice, and preserve the security of the community. In doing so, the members of society must ask themselves how they will punish those who carry out the most abhorrent of crimes. Many common responses to such a question is that death is an acceptable punishment for the most severe crimes. But to draw some theoretical distinction between a crime that deserves incarceration and a crime that is so heinous that it deserves capital punishment is subject to three errors. First, what possible line could be drawn? To decide on a particular number of deaths or to employ any standard would be arbitrary. Second, the use of a line would trivialize and undermine the deaths of those whose murderers fell below the standard. Third, any and all executions still are unjust, as the State should not degrade the institution of justice and dehumanize an individual who, although he or she has no respect for other human life, is still a living person. Simply put, all murders are heinous, all are completely unacceptable, and deserve the greatest punishment of the land; however, death as punishment is inappropriate. Also, while this article arrives at the conclusion that the death penalty is an inappropriate form of punishment, I have not offered an acceptable alternative that would appease those who believe capital offenders deserve a punishment that differs in its quality and severity. This is a burden that, admittedly, I am unable to meet. I finally conclude that the death penalty is unjustified retribution. This is the only claim that can effectively shift the intellectual paradigms of the participants in the debate. The continued use of the death penalty in society can only be determined and influenced by the collective conscience of the members of that society. As stated at the outset of this article, it is this essentially moral conflict regarding what is just and degrading that forms the backdrop for the past changes in and the present operation of our system of imposing death as a punishment for crime.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.41
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• pp.175-212
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• 2014

In 2001 a large amount of labor record have been donated from Jeontaeil Labor Archive-Institute to SungKongHoe University(SKHU). Institute of Labor History in SKHU was established in the wake of the installation of the labor archive. Development of oral archive raised the awareness of the various relationships between the use and production of labor record. Interviewees of oral testimony expressed dissatisfaction and the role of the researchers was not sufficiently exhibited. Examining the main cases of Korea union movement history, we can find contradictions between the use and production of labor record clearly. Interval of interpretation and memory was too big between the parties of 'democratic' union movement in the 1970s. While among the parties who took part in Guro Alliance Strike of 1985, there is a group that remains in the "winner" in history on the one hand, but "loser" on the other without any reasonable criterion. Active intervention of the record users(researchers) is very limited. Among citizens or workers how will be resolved such "struggle of memory" in due process can not be seen. This is one of the reasons why labor archive is not rooted in the region. In this paper, I present a methodological alternatives for the production and use of records through the construction of participatory labor archive. Further, the reconstituted contents of the "documenting locality" strategy by complementing the theoretical part of the method of participation. The study of local and locality requires a "scale" dimension that will make up the identity recognition space, a memory and identity, a social relationship rather than the dimension of the physical space. Alternative "documenting locality" strategy will be able to contribute to solve the problems that occur between the production and use of the recording in labor archive.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.405-444
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• 2004

The Cultural Heritage Committee is an advisory committee established under the Cultural Heritage Administration with the aim of carrying out examination and deliberation on preservation, management and use of cultural heritage. The Cultural Heritage Administration is the highest administrative organization in terms of Korean cultural heritage. It was founded to produce and execute policies on cultural heritage, an important task that requires a high level of specialized knowledge, skills and academic expertise. It involves in-depth investigation and consultation of experts in the field of cultural heritage. An organization consisting of distinguished experts, the Cultural Heritage Committee plays an important role in policymaking on cultural heritage of Korea. The Korean government established the Bureau of Cultural Heritage in October 1961, and enacted provisions (as a presidential decree) on the organization on March 27, 1962, according to the Cultural Heritage Act established on January 10 of the same year. The Cultural Heritage Committee was opened as a deliberation committee according to the law, on which currently 90 members serve in 8 subcommittees. The term of office of a committees member is two years. The deliberation of the committee, which covers the entire range of cultural heritage, including their designation and cancellation, is normally concluded by the deliberation and decision of each subcommittee. This study aims to analyze of the survey of the Cultural Heritage Committee as the highest organ for the deliberation of policies on the matters of cultural heritage. The subject of the analysis in this study is a questionnaire survey that was conducted between Oct. 20 and Nov. 29, 2003, of 116 former and current members of the committee.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.33
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• pp.85-112
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• 2012

Group for the People without History(GPH) was launched at September 2002 and had worked for around five years with the following purposes; Firstly, GPH collects first-hand data on people's everyday lives based on fieldworks. Secondly, GPH constructs digital archives of the collected data. Thirdly, GPH guarantees the accessibility to the archives for people. And lastly, GPH promotes users to utilize the archived data for the various levels. GPH has influenced on the construction of archives on everyday life history as well as the research areas such as anthropology and social history. What is important is that GPH tried to construct digital archives even before the awareness on archives was not widely spreaded in Korea other than formal sectors. Furthermore, the GPH archives proposed a model of open archives which encouraged the people's participation in and utilization of the archives. GPH also showed the ways in which archived data were used. It had published forty seven books of people's life histories and five photographic books, and held six photographic exhibitions on the basis of the archived data. Though GPH archives had contributed to the ignition of the discussions on archives in various areas as leading civilian archives, it has a few limitations. The most important problem is that the data are vanishing too fast for researchers to collect. It is impossible for researchers to collect the whole data. Secondly, the physical space and hardware for the data storage should be ensured. One of the alternatives to solve the problems revealed in the works of GPH is to construct community archives. Community archives are decentralized archives run by people themselves to preserve their own voices and history. It will guarantee the democratization of archives.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.81-86
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• 2019

In X-ray image, the role of filtration through the filter is to reduce the exposure of the patient by using photon which is useful in formation of the image, and at the same time, enhance the contrast of the image. During interaction between photon and object, low energy X-rays are absorbed from the site of a few cm of the first patient's tissue, and high energy X-rays are the one which form the image. Therefore, the radiation filter absorbs low energy X-ray in order to lower the exposure of the patient and improve the quality of the image. The purpose of this study is to compare the effect on the image quality by differences of added filter through simulation image and actual radiation image. For that purpose, we used Geant4 Application for Tomographic Emission (GATE) as a tool for Monte Carlo simulation. We set actual size, shape and material of Polymethylmethacrylate (PMMA) Phantom on GATE and differentiated the parameter of added filter. Also, we took image of PMMA phantom with same parameter of added filter by digital radiography (DR). Than we performed contrast-to-noise ratio (CNR) evaluation on both simulation image and actual DR image by Image J. Finally, we observed the effect on image quality due to different thickness of added filter, and compared two images' CNR evaluation's transitions of change. The result of this experiment showed decreasing in the progress of CNR on both DR and simulation image. It is ultimately caused by decreasing in contrast on image. In theory, contrast decrease with kVp increased. Given that condition, this study found out that filter makes not only decreasing total dose by absorbing low energy of X-ray, but also increasing average energy of X-ray.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.97-111
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to analyze commemoration characteristics of the United States of America, the Commonwealth, and Germany through representative 14 military cemeteries of World war II in Western Europe. Based on the commemoration characteristics such as spacial characteristic, commemorative elements, and graves and headstone, the commemoration culture among U.S., the Commonwealth. and Germany were studied comparatively. The results are as follows. First, taking geometrical form with mainly square type, rarely circle and spiral patterned, most cemeteries were structured spatial central axis with symmetry, those cemeteries were styled neoclassical, but some of the U.S. cemeteries were modernistic, connecting spaces organically with curved line layout. Second, chapel, the wall of missing, the wall of battle map, and sculpture in the U.S military cemeteries, and 'the cross of sacrifice' and 'the stone of remembrance' as classical monument in the Commonwealth war cemeteries were commonly applied standardized commemorative elements, but commemorative monuments in German military cemeteries were restricted except monumental cross. Third, the symbolic cross of christianism was used all cemeteries to console and cherish the soul of soldiers, specially the Latin crosses in the U.S military cemeteries delivered political message as the american martyr for Western Europe and also the power of the U.S., but the cross in German and the Commonwealth war cemeteries were basically cherish and comfort individual spirit. Fourth, showing the power of victory with national patriotism, the U.S. strongly represented christianism and liberal democracy against communism, the Commonwealth showed imperialistic style, and German military cemeteries were quietly appeared as traditional style forwarding reconciliation and peace. This study suggest the war cemeteries have national identity with typical form and symbolic aesthetics. Further study will be required to materialize sublime commemoration in national cemeteries and to form advanced commemorative culture in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.127-156
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• 2014

This study was inspired by the issue that the fundamentals of education have been overlooked, as today's smart education policies established in the knowledge-based information society of the 21st century have only focused on building digital environment and its efficiency. To carry out the study, the media education of Germany, which is equivalent of Korea's smart education, was analyzed to obtain implications for Korea's smart education. In Germany, the media education has been managed by the country ever since the information society has begun. Since 2009, the media education has become a requirement for all schools in every state. Thus, the current media education policy of each state has been analyzed, which revealed the following common characteristics. 1) The media education is closely linked to existing curriculum and education, rather than being conducted separately with different standards. 2) The media education is being conducted in a democratic manner by actively reflecting the exemplary cases of school teachers, rather than following the instructions and guidelines from the government. 3) The media education deals with the character and identity of young students, based on their basic understanding of information society, which are essential for a successful life in the upcoming society. Unlike the first and second implication linked to the method and procedure of media education policy, the third implication is the basic purpose of media education, which is also the key implication of this study. The media education policy of Germany, which is being conducted with its own educational philosophy, offers significant implications for Korea's smart education policy. In Korea, the education only revolves around device-based environment innovation or content development. It should be noted that the purpose of smart education is developing smart individuals who can bring better, happier, and more successful society - rather than establishing a smart environment. Therefore, the focus of discussion on Korea's smart education that revolves around environment, infrastructure, device utilization, and contents development should be changed to the character and identity of students, which are required in the future smart era. That's when 'human-based' educational revolution, instead of 'device-based' classroom revolution can begin.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.119-147
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• 2012

This paper aims to explore whether the trilemma of welfare states has been a valid argument about the recent change of welfare states. Based on fuzzy-set ideal type analysis of data from seventeen OECD countries, it examines that welfare states have achieved three core policy objectives -income equality, employment growth and fiscal discipline- in the service economy during the period between 1981 and 2010. The evidence presented in this paper does not support the trilemma of the service economy where only two goals can be pursued successfully at one time, at a cost of the other remained goal. The trilemma has been effective only to the countries in liberal welfare regime where employment growth and fiscal discipline has been achieved at a cost of higher levels of income equality. However, conservative welfare-state regimes have experienced the deterioration of income equality and fiscal restraint after the mid 1980s and it seems that they have diverged into various models. In the countries of the social democratic welfare regime, the goals of equality and employment have been achieved simultaneously together with fiscal discipline since the early 2000s. While they are classified as the perfect model in the research, Southern European welfare states including Greece and Italy, classified as 'the crisis model', have not performed well in all the three aspects. On the evidence presented in this paper, it can be said that the trilemma of welfare states in the service economy is not effective to explain the policy goals of welfare state as well as the result of redistributive politics in the service economy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.