• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.5
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• pp.107-116
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• 2013

Occur in various parts of the world and the new aspects of the regional conflict is spreading. Nation and civilization, one based on religious ideology, hegemonic tendencies areas of conflict are factors that appear. It has the characteristic that inheritance and conflict between civilizations is spreading. Christian and Islamic books, especially the confrontation and conflict is surfaced in the international political aspects, and a threat to the security of the human race is approaching. To assert the superiority of Western Christianity emerging countries, the salvation of mankind and world peace mission with the historical non-democracy, human rights, women's rights, underdevelopment, nuclear issues, and the spirit of Christian civilization, considered to be linked and reverse, Democracy Launching and human rights issues are forcing Western development model. Islam believes in absolute monotheism that God Lord only determined by the 'slave' and having the determination to serve the religious, political, social and cultural nature ingrained, and closely adjacent to each other geographically, to focus on in quency characteristics higher than the other civilizations are appearing. To assert the doctrine of non-violent Islam 'Koran' and 'knife' became known as the violent images appear in the armed conflict between the culture method. Today the world is facing a clash of civilizations is derived from the religious conflicts and confrontation and friction between the nations appear. In particular, the deep religious roots of Christianity and Islam, the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the right to live in strife confrontation between Christianity and Islam was spread. By a factor of civilization and the spread of terrorism occurred historically proven came here from all over the earth that is being generated is true. Civilization are the symbol of the nation and the species identity.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.29-54
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• 2013

Mun Il-pyeong(1888-1939) is famous for a nationalist historian led history into popular style to enlighten the public. This paper aims to overview the characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history based on prior studies on Mun Il-pyeong's works. The characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history shows us people centric trend based on a struggle of classes. For the people, he insisted that description of history should be easy and scientific for the people who are host of history. And Mun Il-pyeong insisted the harmony of nationalist history and positive history. This was a progressive attitude in writing history at that time. Another characteristic of Mun Il-pyeong's history is that he considered cultural history as important. Mun Il-pyoeng wanted to overcome the ashamed political history by cultural history. In this intention, Korean history was again born proudful by him. Mun Il-pyoeng pursued open nationalism, not ultra-nationalism by connecting with other world. This paper focused on the essential part of Mun Il-pyoeng's history. Many scholars think Mun Il-pyeong focused on Korean modern history or history of foreign relation. But I think Mun Il-pyeong attached importance to Practical Learning, Sirhak in late Joseon dynasty. Because Sirhak contained Mun Il-pyeong's academic intention, Modernism and Culturism dreamed from his youth age. Therefore he led so-called Joseonhak Undong meaning study of Sirhak. Studying Sirhak made Mun Il-pyeong open a new direction Korean modern history have to go.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.151-178
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• 2014

Highly Differentiated and segmented social insurance scheme in Taiwan shows its salient dimension of stratification, which has been considered as a general feature of conservative welfare regime. However, compared to Western conservative welfare states, Taiwan's social insurance scheme shows a distinct feature. First, Taiwan's social insurance scheme has offered a full coverage for various benefits. Secondly, Labor Insurance and Government employees' Insurance reveal distinct features of stratification. Labor Insurance has developed a universalistic system based on status equality and cross-class solidarity of working classes while Government employees' Insurance includes a myriad of occupational- and status-based programs. This article aims to articulate the historical origin of Taiwan's unique social insurance scheme and explains it as an unintended result of state's political intervention and various interests of each insured groups, especially, politically, economically, and ethnically conflicting identities of government employees and working classes.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.204-219
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• 2015

International society, including the United Nations, has recently been making efforts to further promote a rapprochement of cultures in relation to alleviating military and political conflicts and other social clashes. In line with these efforts at the international level, there has been a growing interest on Central Asia and, in particular, on the Silk Road, which functioned as a trade route among ancient civilizations in the region and is also seen as a route that promoted cultural dialogue and exchanges. Given the amount of cross cultural dialogue and exchange, it is no surprise that intangible cultural heritage has historically been abundant and easily found in the region. However, this heritage was placed in considerable risk because heritage transmission critically weakened for seventy years under Soviet rule. Fortunately, since independence, there has been increasing interest in restoring community identity and reviving intangible heritage. Nevertheless, in spite of this interest, a lack of policies and cultural support in each country has made heritage safeguarding difficult. In this paper, I analyze the various phenomena that took place after the concept and international trends on ICH were introduced and speak about the experiences and outcomes obtained from collaborative network projects by ICHCAP and the Central Asian countries over the last six year. In addition, I would like take this opportunity to discuss how we can understand and develop collaboration in the intangible heritage field in Central Asia in a long-term perspective.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.155-180
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• 2011

This paper aims at comparing the metanarrative and East Timor's local narrative in Indonesia during the Suharto's regime. Although these history writings have different political goals, the patterns of writings are ironically similar. Both of the history writings show strong nationalistic history writing patterns. Yet, in the writings, these histories place different interpretations on the historical events. In the metanarrative, local dynamics are seen through the diagrams of the nation and nationhood. This narrative finds the roots of the "ethnie" from some kingdoms in Java and Sumatra. These kingdoms, which throve based on the Hindu-Buddhist culture, achieved a territorial unity to a degree, covering some parts of Java and Sumatra. The glorious past disappeared with the advent of the colonial rule. The metanarrative then emphasizes the unity of the ethnic groups in the archipelago, which fiercely resisted against the colonial exploitation and oppression. By this, these ethnic groups were defined as "the masses," the collective identity, which had a same goal to achieve the national independence. In addition, some local histories, which took positive attitudes toward the European forces, were simply left out from the metanarrative. All the separatist movements taking place in the republic were also described as the anti-unifying forces. On the other hand, the goal of the history-writing in East Timor was to enhance the sense of nationalism and create the perception of the "East Timorese." The fundamental aim was the separation from Indonesia. In the narrative, the nationalist politicians overcame the problem of the non-existence of any memories of the glorious past with the awakening of the idea of "the imagined gloriousness of the past if there was no colonial rule." In addition, the narrative overemphasizes the memory of the colonial rule for 450 years under the Portuguese rule in order to stress the fact that it was the colony of Portugal, not of the Netherlands. Finally, the narrative shows how the East Timorese collectively fell to the status of slaves. By this, the political leaders of East Timor evoked the notion that it was recolonized by Indonesia, under which the East Timorese were demoted to the status of slaves. This notion of "slave-master" relationship then became the motives for the independence struggles in East Timor.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.135-156
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• 2010

While there are a few ways of giving meanings to the term, "Altai" ranging from a language family to a national residing around the Altai Mountains in Russian Federation, and to the people speaking the language or the whole area where they live, there have been controversial debates whether it is a meaningful categorization. This paper argues that the basic cause lying beneath the controversies is the underdevelopment of the subject that identifies itself as a representative of the whole area where the Altaic language family is spoken. It might be true, as some Korean and Russian scholars insist, that what deserves to be called Altaic culture (or civilization) has provided a common culture and mutual interactions with the people. However, the Altaic people failed to constitute themselves as a meaningful modern group, that is a nation, and they did not fully develop national consciousness, As a result, although their way of life may be regarded as an origin of various cultures across North-East Asia, Altaic culture is not sufficient to give a momentum to claim for cultural initiative in the region. This comes at least partly from the reconfiguration of ethnic identity through a Soviet type of modernization and its geopolitical situation surrounded by super-powers such as China and Russia, as well as belated import of religions such as Buddhism and Christianity. From a wide perspective, the trouble about delimiting an area is not unique in Altai, but universally found in anywhere, as far as area studies are concerned. The delimitation of an area is not a natural outcome of physical environment but an artificial production of how cultural-political relationships have been distributed. Therefore, while the case of Alai has its own specificities, its implications that a national or regional boundary in area studies should not be taken for granted may be applied to other areas.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.6
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• pp.272-286
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• 2017

The division of the South and North of 70 years has occurred in the old generation, but the reunification is now handled by the youth generation. Therefore, it is necessary to train basic human nature as well as learning and research of rational political and economic theory in order for young adolescents as leaders in the unification era to carry out their own duties faithfully and responsibly. In this paper, I rediscover the value of traditional culture in the human nature education that aims for reunification, social and cultural integration, and propose tea culture as contents that can be applied to reunification and the human nature education of youth as reunification culture contents as a concrete program of traditional culture do.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.719-738
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to examine distress and difficulties experienced by multi-cultural elementary students in our society and to identify replaceable resources related to their school adjustment. For this, semi-structured interview consisting of questions related to these issues was conducted to 14 multi-cultural elementary students of 3^rd to 6^th grade who were living in a metropolitan area. Qualitative data were analyzed based on Giorgi's(1985) method of phenomenological analysis, which led to three dimensions in relation to elementary school adjustment: individual, relationship, and societal dimensions. Also, for school adjustment, education was found to be needed at the level of individuals, family, and multi-cultural cognition. Lastly, as for multi-cultural elementary students to adjust well not only at the school but also in Korean society overall, they must have positive national identity and multi-cultural recognition. Finally, their school adjustment were discussed in relation to these findings.