• Title/Summary/Keyword: 미기록속

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Follow-Up Method in Patients with Kawasaki Disease who had No Coronary Artery Abnormalities in the Convalescent Period (회복기 심초음파 검사상 관상동맥 내경 크기가 정상 범위인 가와사끼병 환자에서 추적관찰 방법에 대한 고찰)

  • Joo, Hee Jung;Song, Min Seob;Kim, Chul Ho
    • Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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    • v.48 no.2
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    • pp.165-173
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    • 2005
  • Purpose : We performed the study to evaluate the value of the follow-up echocardiogram performed 6 months to 1 year after the onset of Kawasaki disease(KD), as recommended by American Heart Association(AHA) guidelines, when echocardiograms in the convalescent period were normal. Methods : Patients were selected from 147 cases diagnosed with KD at Pusan Paik hospital from January 2000 to October 2003. A total of 45 KD patients belonged to AHA risk level I and II were performed follow-up echocardiography. The patient's medical records and echocardiogram were reviewed. Additionally, we sought the opinion of pediatric cardiologists on the subject by means of a multiple-choice survey. Results : 37 children were belonged to AHA risk level I and the remaining 8 patients were belonged to risk level II. Of these 45 children, none were noted to have abnormalities on later follow-up echocardiogram. In the results of questionnaire, 37 percent of the participants advocate no follow-up after convalescent period for risk level I, and 33.3 percent favor periodic follow-up with echocardiography for risk level II up to one year. But there were no consensus about the diagnostic criteria of coronary abnormalities and how to follow-up these patients. Conclusion : All children with KD should have an echocardiogram at present and a follow-up study 6 to 8 weeks after the onset of fever. However, additional echocardiographies are not justified if the 6- to 8-week follow-up echocardiogram is normal. We would recommend that the more reasonable diagnostic criteria for coronary abnormalities and the Korean guidelines for long-term cardiovascular management and follow-up of KD need to be established.

Family Structure and Succession of the Late Chosun Seen through Male Adoption (양자제도를 통해 본 조선후기 가족구조와 가계계승: 의성김씨 호구단자 분석을 중심으로)

  • Park, Soo-Mi
    • Korea journal of population studies
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.71-95
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    • 2007
  • This paper attempts to identify the principle of family succession and family patterns of yangban in the late Chosun period through an analysis of male adaptation cases found in family registration records. The primary source of analysis is the family registration documents of Uiseong Kim's from the late 17th century to the early 20th century. As a result, it is found that there is a substantial change in the patterns of family from the early and mid Chosun period to the late Chosun period. The change is the strengthening of the principle of patriarchy succession through male adoption. Looking at the data as a whole, the average number of household members is increased and the membership of kinship also expanded. In contrast to the family patterns of the early Chosun period, not only the patterns of Uiseong Kim's family are predominately immediate family or collateral family but also the majority is extended family in the 18th and 19th centuries. The male adoption cases recorded in Uiseong Kim's family registration documents take up 33.8% of the male adoption cases in the entire family registration documents. This goes to show that the strengthening of the principle of primogeniture succession at a time when child mortality rate is very high resulted in the increase of male adoption. In conclusion, the late Chosun society was a society where the seat of primogeniture was much more important than immediate hereditary members in the family succession.

A Study on Vascular Plants, Distribution Status and Management Plans of the Cactus Habitat (No. 429 Natural Monument) in Wolryung-ri, Jeju Island (제주 월령리 선인장군락지(천연기념물 제429호)의 관속식물상, 분포실태, 관리방안에 관한 연구)

  • Lee, Cheol-Ho;Jang, Gye-Hyun;Ryu, Tae-Bok;Choi, Byoung-Ki
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.55-66
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    • 2018
  • The cactus habitat in Jeju Island has a phytogeographically specific distribution in the East Asian region, and forms a unique landscape as the only native cactus (Opuntia ficus-indica (L.) Mill.) habitat in Korea. However, there has been no detailed investigation on the distribution of cacti in the habitat and no investigation on the diversity of the mixed composition of plants in the habitats and their correlation with the distribution of cactus populations. This study attempted to investigate the diversity of vascular plants in the Wollyeong-ri cactus habitat and record the actual distribution and trends of cactus distribution. In addition to the distribution characteristics of cacti, we also discuss the characteristics of species reflecting the characteristics of the habitat among the mixed population of plant species, as well as the biological and environmental factors that threaten the maintenance of cactus populations or require management for preservation of cacti. Considering the phenological character, we conducted the field surveys for flora identification six times between June 2015 and September 2017. The Engler classification system was used for the arrangement sequence and names of plants, and the Korean Plant Names Index was adopted for the Korean name of the species. The study results showed that the Wolryung-ri cactus habitat in Jeju Island has the characteristic physiognomy of an area dominated by cactus. For the vascular plants, a total of 125 taxa were identified, including 53 families, 104 genera, 109 species, 15 varieties and 1 forma. Endangered plants specified by the Ministry of Environment were not found. Two species, Cyrtomium falcatum and Asplenium incisum, were identified as the ferns, and no gymnosperms were found. In addition, 123 taxa of angiosperms, 91 taxa of dicotyledones and 32 taxa of monocotyledons were identified. The distributions of cacti were confirmed in 289 meshes corresponding to 59.3% of the total 487 meshes in the cactus protected area, which showed various coverage distributions ranging from 5% to 95%. Most of the meshes where no cacti were found are coastal areas with exposed basalt rocks where the soil depth has not developed or extremely restricted due to repeated waves, or areas where artificial facilities, grasslands, and observation paths have been constructed. On the other hand, there were 71 lattice points in 14.5% of the total area where the cactus showed 70% or higher dominance. Cacti are randomly distributed in these areas. They have adapted to the microhabitat environment and are found to be opportunistically distributed along the growable locations. Considering that the reproduction of cacti in the habitat is mostly dependent on parthenogenesis, the present distribution seems to reflect the potentially distributable regions of cacti in the habitat. Based on the results of field surveys, a management plan for conservation and protection of the protected areas has been proposed.

The Regional Distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) in South and North Korea (남북한 씨름의 지역적 분포)

  • Kwak, Nak-hyun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.72
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    • pp.299-327
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    • 2018
  • The objective of this study is to examine the regional distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) of South and North Korea in the Japanese colonial era. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" showed the record of performing 272 times of Ssireum in 226 regions of the whole nation. Second, the Ssireum of South Korea could be divided into five regions. Seoul/Gyeonggi-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok while Chungcheong-do performed Ssireum in Baekjung and Chuseok. Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do performed Ssireum in Chuseok while Gangwon-do performed Ssireum in Dano and Chuseok. Third, the Ssireum of North Korea could be divided into three regions. All the Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Hamgyeong-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano. Fourth, as the period when Ssireum was held the most in the whole nation, Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok could be pointed out. Ssireum has the characteristics of large-scale play between village communities or regions, instead of individual game. Thus, the Ssireum that was played as a sport event under certain rules for a long time was settled down as a folk play of regional festivals such as Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok. Fifth, as a folk play and a representative play of seasonal customs, Ssireum was distributed in the whole nation and handed down till today under the regional deviation of South and North Korea. Sixth, the unidentified regions of South Korea that did not perform Ssireum were six places including five dos such as Gapyeong Gyeonggi-do, Boseong Jeollanam-do, Jeju-do, Gunwi and Cheongsong Gyeongsanbuk-do, and Inje Gangwon-do. The regions of North Korea were six places including three dos such as Pyeongyang, Yangdeok, Gangdong, and Gaecheon of Pyeongannam-do, Bakcheon Pyeonganbuk-do, and Dancheon Hamgyeongnam-do. Total 12 places in eight regions were included. Seventh, the number of total items of play names presented in the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" was about 6,400 types. Out of them, about 1,300 types were the items including how to play while about 5,100 types were the items presenting the play names only without explanations. Especially, in case of Ssireum, the periods of the lunar calendar were only specified in each region. Unfortunately, it was not possible to check the contents about the actual performance methods and types of Ssireum as they were omitted.

Success Strategy of Yuhan-Kimberly's Huggies Magic Panty through Product Repositioning (제품 리포지셔닝을 통한 유한킴벌리 <하기스 매직팬티>의 성공전략)

  • Park, Heung Soo;Choi, Sun-Mi;Kang, Seong Ho;Kwon, Gae Eun
    • Asia Marketing Journal
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    • v.11 no.3
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    • pp.185-203
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    • 2009
  • Yuhan Kimberly, a joint-venture company of Korean Yuhan Company and American Kimberly-Clark, opened a premium diaper market in Korea by launching Pull-Ups which was pants-typed diapers in 1993. Pull-Ups was imported as finished goods from Kimberly-Clark. However, in spite of its huge market share in United States, it failed to land down in Korean market because of wrong positioning strategy which did not consider domestic customers' tastes. In 1996, Yuhan-Kimberly brought out a pants-typed diaper, Huggies-Toddler, to Korean market again. This paved the way for the combination of Kimberly-Clark's production power and Yuhan-Kimberly's marketing power and led to launch new product superior to Pull-Ups. However, this product was unsuccessful in the market because of wrong positioning which did not catch domestic customer's life styles such as cultural, environmental and habitual differences in toilet training, the cost increase coming from IMF crisis in Korea, weak trust within the company, weak trust within the company, and too much higher price than regular diapers. In 2005, Yuhan-Kimberly redeveloped new pants market business strategy. It was organically combined with winning product development plan, winning communication strategy and the market structure change through the pants market creation. Customer's habit, usage and attitude were studied with total 55 times market investigations. Also, all processes from planning to designing were executed in the customer's view by investigating product research, positioning research and advertisement research. Yuhan-Kimberly repositioned new product as a wearing diaper not as a toilet training diaper and launched Huggies Magic Panty as a premium product which had 25% higher price than previous Huggies. Huggies Magic Panty was recognized as a great hit product in domestic diaper market and the sales recorded 37.6 bill won in 2006, 57.2 bill won in 2007, and 90 bill won in 2008 since launching in 2005. The reason of Huggies Magic Panty's success was the repositioning strategy deduced from the precise check of customer's usage habit. It was the winning strategy of Huggies that were market investigation in order to survive in domestic baby goods market where a lot of companies struggled intensively, the exact positioning based on its market investigation and aggressive 360 degree communication strategy to give customers impressions efficiently.

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진도의 담수산 물벼룩류와 요각류의 출현특성에 관한 생태학적 연구

  • Yoon, Seong-Myeong;Chang, Cheon-Young;Kim, Won
    • Animal Systematics, Evolution and Diversity
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    • v.11 no.1
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    • pp.39-64
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    • 1995
  • A faunistic and ecological study on the occurrence of freshwater cladocerans and copepods was accomplished from Chindo, South Korea. Collections were made from total 35 stations, comprising the various freshwater habitats like reservoirs, streams, swamps, bogs, ricefields, ditch, pond, and spring during the periods of July 23-25, and November 1-3 in 1994. Twenty seven cladoceran species of 17 genera of 6 families in 2 orders, and 28 copepod species of 21 genera of 6 families in 3 orders were collected during this research period, of which Daphnia obtusa Kurz and Elaphoidella bidens (Schmeil) are newly recorded from Korea. In reservoirs, Diaphanosoma sp. and Thermocyclops taihokuensis were dominant in July, and then succeeded by Bosmina longirostris and Cyclops vicinus vicinus in November. Thermocyclops crassus co-occurred with 7: taihokuensis at both seasons, was frequent in November after T. taihokuensis precipitately decreased. In other stagnant waters, 7: taihokuensis and Moina weismanni were dominant at ponds in July and in November, respectively. At ricefields in July Moina macrocopa and T. taihokuensis were dominant, but in November M. macrocopa and Paracyclops fimbriatus were. At streams, cladocerans were relatively rare, but became more rich in November. The representative cladoceran species were Bosmina longirostris as a plankton, and Chydorus sphaericus as a epibenthic species. Concerning copepods, nearly all the stations of streams except a few ones adjacent to seashore showed the similiar species constitutions, of which E. serrulatus and M, pehpeiensis were most frequent and abundant. At a mountain streamlet and a spring, the occurrence of Alona sp., Attheyella byblis Chang and Kim, 1992 and A. tetraspinosa Chang, 1993 is quite interesting and deserved much attention in the taxonomical point of view. Seventeen major cladocerans and copepods from lentic habitats and 13 major cladocerans and copepods from lotic habitatats were clustered using average taxonomic distance and UPGMA to infer the co-occurrence relations among species. As for lentic habitats, two large phena were appeared at first. The one phenon consisted of Diaphanosoma sp. and T taihokuensis, and showed its predominancy over the various habitats and its dominancy was rapidly decreased in November. The other phenon frequently occurred rather in November, and subdivided into three subgroups. On the other hand, as for lotic habitats, 13 species were also grouped into 2 large phena. The first one comprised 4 species, which were dominant and highly frequent at nearly all the lotic habitats, and subdivided into three subgroups according to their seasonal fluctuation types. The second one was also subdivided into three phena, the first of which comprised only one species, Microcyclops varicans, and occurred at most of the stations along stream with steadiness through the research period; the second phenon, Chydorus sphaericus, occurred much frequently in November; the last phenon included a few heterogenous subgroups.

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축산식품중(畜産食品中)의 Cholestrerol에 관(關)한 고찰(考察)

  • Han, Seok-Hyeon
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society for Food Science of Animal Resources Conference
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    • 1995.11a
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    • pp.1-48
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    • 1995
  • 식생활은 인간 생활의 주체이고 먹는다는 것은 그 수단이다. 그중 중요한 하나의 명제는 인간이 놓여진 여러 환경에서 어떻게 건강을 유지하고 그 개체가 소유하고 있는 능력을 최대치까지 생리적으로 성장 발전시킴과 동시에 최대한 수명을 연장시키기 위한 식물 섭취방법을 마이크로 레벨까지 해명하는데 있다. 인간은 일생동안 엄청난 양의 음식물을 먹는다(70세 수명일 경우 200만 파운드 즉 체중의 1,400배). 그러나 먹기는 먹되 자신의 건강과 장수를 위하여 어떤 음식을 어떻게 선택하여 어떻게 먹어야 하는 문제가 매우 중요하다. 최근 우리나라도 국민 소득이 늘면서 식생활은 서구화 경향으로 기우는 듯하다. 공해를 비롯한 수입식품 등 여러 가지 문제점이 제기됨에 따라 자연식과 건강식을 주장하는 소리가 높이 일고 있다. 그중에는 축산 식품이 콜레스테롤 함량이 다른 식품에 비하여 높게 함유하고 있다는 것으로 심혈관질환의 주범인양 무차별 강조하는 나머지 육식공포 내지는 계란 등의 혐오감 마저 불러 일으키는 경향까지 있는 듯하다. 따라서 본논고에서는 축산식품중의 콜레스테롤 함량수준이 과연 성인병의 주범인지 아니면 다른 지방산과 관련해서 올바르게 평가하고 그 문제점과 대책을 개관해 보고 요약하면 다음과 같다. 1. 사람은 유사이래 본능적으로 주변의 식물이나 동물의 고기를 먹고 성장하여 자손을 증식시키고 어느 사이에 늙으면 죽음을 맞이 하는 싸이클을 반복하면서 기나긴 세월동안 진화를 하여 오늘날의 인간으로서의 자태를 이루었다. 유인원과 같은 인류의 선조들은 수렵을 통해 육식을 많이 하였을 것이므로 인간은 원래 육식동물이 아닐까? 구석기시대의 유물을 보면 많은 뼈가 출토되고 “얄타미라”나 “라스코” 동굴벽화가 선명하게 묘사되고 있다. 2. 우리나라 선조 승구족의 일파가 백두산을 비롯한 만주 송화강 유역에 유입되면서 수렵과 목축을 주요 식품획득의 수단으로 식품문화권을 형성하면서 남하하여 한반도 민족의 조상인 맥족(貊族)으로 맥적(貊炙)이라고 하는 요리(오늘날의 불고기)를 먹었다는 기록이 있다. 3. 인간의 수명을 1900년대로 거슬러 올라가서 뉴질랜드가 세계최장수국(호주는 2위)로서 평균수명은 남자 58세, 여자 69세인 반면 일본과 한국은 당시 남자 36세, 여자 37세이던 것이 일본은 1989년에 이르러 세계 최장수국으로 등장했으나 1990년 당시 뉴질랜드${\cdot}$호주 등은 목축 및 밀(小麥) 생산국가였기 때문이라는 것과 일본은 오늘날 합리적인 식생활 국가라는 것을 간과해서는 안된다. 4. 우리나라 10대 사망원인중 (1994년도) 뇌혈관질환이 1위, 교통사고 2위, 암이 3위 순위로서 연령별로는 10~30대의 불의의 사고(교통사고), 40~60대는 암, 70대 이상은 뇌혈관질환이 가장 많다. 구미${\cdot}$일 7개국 정상국가들은 심질환 사망이 가장 높다. 5. 식생활의 변화에 있어서 우리나라는 주식으로 섭취해 왔던 곡류는 70년 대비 94년에는 0.7배 감소된 반면 육류 5배, 계란 2.4배, 우유는 무려 29.3배 증가되었다. 식생활 패턴이 서구화 경향으로 바뀌는 것 같다. 6. 71년도 우리나라의 지질섭취량은 국민 1인당 1일 평균 13.1g에 섭취에너지의 5.7%수준이었으나 92년도에는 34.5g으로서 총에너지 섭취량의 16.6%에 달하고 총섭취 지방질중 동물성 섭취 비율은 47%를 차지 한다. 국민 평균 혈청콜레스테롤 농도는 80년에 비해 88년에는 11%가 증가되었고 80년에 210mg/dl 이상 되는 콜레스테롤 혈증인 사람의 비율이 5%에서 88년에는 23%로 크게 증가했다. 7. 세계 정상국가들의 단백질 즉 축산식품의 섭취는 우리나라보다 적게는 2배, 많게는 6~7배 더 섭취하고 90년도 우리나라의 지질섭취량은 일본의 1/3수준에 불과하다. 8. 콜레스테롤은 인체를 비롯한 모든 동물체에 필수적으로 분포하고 있는 것으로 체내 존재하고 있는 총량은 90~150g, 이중 혈청콜레스테롤은 4%(6g)를 차지하고 있음에도 불구하고 이 아주 적은 콜레스테롤에 일희일비(一喜一悲) 논쟁은 60~70년 끄러오고 있다. 9. 콜레스테롤의 생체내 기능으로서는 (1) 세포벽의 지지물질 (2) 신경세포 보호막물질 (3) 담즙산의 합성 (4) 비타민 D의 합성 (5) 임신시에 반듯이 필요한 분자 (6) 기타 여러 가지 기능을 수행하는 것으로 필수적인 물질이다. 10. 우리가 식이를 통해서 섭취 콜레스테롤을 550mg정도를 섭취한다고 하더라도 이 정도의 양은 배설 소모되는 양과 거의 맞먹는 양이다. 피부와 땀샘에서 소실되는 양만도 100~300mg에 달하기 때문에 미국농무성에서 섭취량을 300mg로 제한하는 것은 무의미하다. 11. 콜레스테롤 운반체로서의 지단백질은 그 밀도가 낮은 것으로부터 킬로미크론(chylomicron), 초저밀도 지단백질(VLDL), 저밀도 지단백질(LDL) 및 고밀도 지단백질(HDL)으로 나누는데 LDL은 혈청콜레스테롤 중 약 70%, HDL은 약20%를 함유한다. 12. 혈중 콜레스테롤 수준에 영향을 미치는 요인을 열거하여 보면 다음과 같다. 1) 음식을 통해서 섭취되는 콜레스테롤 중 단지 10~40%정도가 흡수되고, 체내에서 합성되는 콜레스테롤이 증가할수록 식이콜레스테롤은 실제 혈청콜레스테롤 수준에 거의 영향을 미치지 않으므로 식이중함량에 대하여 공포를 느끼고 기피할 필요가 없다. 2) 고도불포화지방산, 단가불포화지방산, 포화지방산의 비 즉 P/M/S의 비가 균형되도록 권장한다. 3) 동맥경화를 비롯한 성인병의 원인이 되는 혈전증에는 EPA의 양을 높여줌으로서 성인병을 예방할 수 있다. 4) 오메가6지방산 아라키도닉산과 오메가3지방산인 EPA로 유도되는 에이코사에노이드 또는 프로스타노이드는 오메가6와 3지방산을 전구체로 하여 생합성되는 중요한 생리활성 물질이다. 5) 사람은 일반적으로 20세에서 60세까지 나이를 먹어감에 따라 혈중 콜레스테롤 수준이 증가하고 60세 이후부터는 일정한 수준을 유지하며 심장보호성 HDL-콜레스테롤은 감소하는 반면에 죽상경화성 LDL콜레스테롤은 증가한다. 6) 높은 HDL콜레스테롤 수준이 심장병 발생 위험요인을 감소시키는 기능을 갖고 있기 때문에 좋은 HDL이라 부르고, LDL은 나쁜 콜레스테롤이라 부르기도 하는데, 이것은 유전적 요인보다도 환경적 요인이 보다 큰 영향을 미친다. 7) 이것은 생활 형태와 영양섭취상태를 포함해서 개인적 생활패턴에 영향을 받는다. 8) 많은 실험에서 혈중 콜레스테롤 상승은 노년의 가령(加齡)에 적응하기 위한 자연적 또는 생리적인 세포의 생화학적이고 대사적인 기능을 위해 필수적일 수 있다는 것을 간과해서는 안될 것이다. 이 점으로 미루어 노년의 여성들을 위한 콜레스테롤 농도를 200mg/dl이 가장 알맞은 양이 아닌 듯하다. 9) 스트레스는 두가지 모양으로 유발되는데 해로은 스트레스(negative), 이로운 스트레스(positive)로서 긴장완화는 혈중 콜레스테롤 농도를 10% 떨어진다. 10) 자주 운동을 하는 사람들은 혈중 HDL콜레스테롤치가 운동을 하지 않는 사람보다 높다. 육체적인 운동의 정도와 혈중 HDL콜레스테롤 농도와는 정비례한다. 11) 흡연은 지방을 흡착시키므로 혈전증의 원이이 되며 혈관속의 HDL농도를 감소시킨다. 12) 에너지의 과잉섭취에 의한 체중 증가느 일반적으로 지단백질대사에 영향을 미치고, 간에서는 콜레스테롤 과잉 생산과 더불어 VLDL콜레스테롤의 LDL콜레스테롤 혈증을 나타냄으로 운동과 더불어 비만이 되지 않도록 하여야 한다. 13. 콜레스테롤 함량에 대한 조절기술 1) 식품의 우열을 평가할 때 단순히 동물성 또는 식물성 식품으로 분류해서 총괄적으로 논한다는 것은 지양되어야 한다. 이것은 그 식품에 함유하고 있는 지방산의 종류에 따라서 다르기 때문이다. 2) 인체의 원할한 기능 유지를 위해서는 P /M /S비율 뿐만 아니라 섭취 지방질의 오메가6 /오메가3계 지방산의 비율이 모두 적절한 범위에 있어야 하며 한두가지 지방산만이 과량일 때는 또 다른 불균형을 일으킬 수 있다는 점을 알아야 한다. 3) 닭고기는 오메가6지방산 함량을 높이기 위하여 사료중에 등푸른 생선이나 어분이나 어유를 첨가하여 닭고기는 첨가수준에 따라 증가됨을 알 수 있다. 4) 오늘날 계란내의 지방산 조성을 변화시켜 난황내의 오메가 3계열 지방산 함량을 증가시킨 계란의 개발이 활발해졌다. 14. 계란 콜레스테롤에 대한 소비자들의 부정적 인식을 불식시키고자 계란의 클레스테롤 함량을 낮추는 과제가 등장하면서 그 기술개발이 여러모로 시도되고 있으나 아직 실용 단계에 이르지 못했다. 15. 계란의 콜레스테롤 문제에 대한 대책으로서 난황의 크기를 감소시키는 방법에 대한 연구도 필요하다. 16. 계란 중 콜레스테롤 함량 분석치는 표현 방식에 따라서 소비자들을 혼란시킬 가능성이 있다. 또한 과거에는 비색법으로 분석했으나 오늘날은 효소법으로 분석하면 분석치에 상당한 차이가 있다. 17. 소비자의 요구를 만족시키고 버터 소비를 촉진시키기 위해 콜레스테롤을 감소시키는 물리적${\cdot}$생물학적 방식이 제안되어 있으나 현장적용이 가능한 것은 아직 없다. 18. 우리나라에서 이미 시판되고 있는 DHA우유가 선보였고 무콜레스테롤 버터의 경우 트란스(trans)형 지방산에 관해서는 논란의 여지가 많을 것이다. 끝으로 국가 목표의 하나는 복지사회 건설에 있고 복지국가 실현에는 국민 기본 욕망의 하나인 식생활 합리화가 선행되어야 한다. 소득이 늘고 국가가 발전해감에 따라 영양식${\cdot}$건강식 및 기호식을 추구하게 됨을 매우 당연한 추세라 하겠다. 우리의 식생활이 날로 향상되어 지난날의 당질 위주에서 점차 축산물쪽으로 질적 개선이 이루어진다는 것은 고무적임에 틀림없다. 이 축산물을 통한 풍요로운 식의 문화를 창출하면서 건강과 장수 그리고 후손에 이르기까지 번영하고 국가 경쟁력 강화에 심혈을 기우려야 할 때이다.

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Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.