• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• Trans-
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• v.12
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• pp.173-222
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• 2022

This thesis examines the 'universe' acceptance phenomenon, currently used as a content strategy in the K-pop field, from the perspective of K-pop audiences, and then attempts to identify their experience of acceptance and the meaning of the universe. For this, tweets related to the universe acceptance experience of Aespa, the group utilizing the universe as a content strategy the most actively, were collected, and this data was analyzed according to a phenomenological approach, an approach to explore the structure of personal experience and the essence of a phenomenon. As a result of analyzing using Moustakas' method, the semantic structure of the universe acceptance phenomenon of K-pop audiences was derived based on 21 thematic units. It was found that current K-pop audiences are experiencing active cultural consumption rather than unilateral or passive through acceptance of the universe. This means that K-pop audiences have the characteristics of active audiences that produce meaning, interact with other fans, and exert influence on outside of community. At the same time, these characteristics affect acceptance of the universe. Simultaneously, through active acceptance experience, it is found that K-pop audiences give a new meaning in the K-pop universe, as "marketing assets", "fandom community assets", and "K-pop industry expansion assets." Among them, the recognition of 'marketing assets' was reaffirmed as a basis for supporting related previous studies. In addition, it derived the new values of the universe in the K-pop field by discovering the meaning of "fandom's specific assets" and "assets of the K-pop industry for expansion". These meanings had not been found that previous studies from the producers' point of view. And then, for the purpose of expanding the value of the universe in the future, it was discussed the direction of the new meaning of the universe. Finally, this study is meaningful in that it revealed the semantic structure of the universe acceptance phenomenon and discovered a new meaning of the universe in the K-pop field. Additionally, it was intended to contribute to expanding the field of research by suggesting various follow-up studies from various perspectives.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.22-49
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• 2021

Bowonsa Temple (普願寺) is located to the north of Gayasan Mountain in Unsan-myeon, Seosan-si, Chungcheongnam-do Province. The cultural properties it enshrines were produced during the late Unified Silla and early Goryeo periods, and include an Iron Seated Buddha. The Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum planned a survey on historical remains in Chungcheongnam-do Province during the early Japanese colonial era, and a field survey was conducted at the Bowonsa Temple site in 1916 (Taishō 5). During this survey, the sculpture of the Iron Seated Buddha (knee: width 212 cm x thickness 167 cm) was found enshrined in a hut. The sculpture was moved to Gyeongbokgung Palace in the following year. However, it is clear that the colossal Iron Seated Buddha was being housed at the Bowonsa Temple site at the start of the Japanese colonial era. This Iron Seated Buddha is presumed to have been produced in 955 by State Preceptor Beopin Tanmun (法印國師 坦文, 900-975). Tanmun was born into an influential family that produced many high officials. He became a leading figure in the Hwaeom (Flower Garland) school of Buddhism under the patronage of King Taejo. He also led Buddhist events at the Goryeo royal court during the reigns of King Hyejong (惠宗, r. 943-945) and King Jeongjong (定宗, r. 945-949). With the emergence of Gyunyeo (均如, 923-973), who was sponsored by Queen Daemok (大穆王后, dates unknown) of the Hwangbo clan (皇甫氏), Tanmun was transferred to Bowonsa Temple far from Kaesong. However, even while there Tanmun strengthened his ties with his supporters under the patronage of the Chungju Yu clan. He appears to have produced this colossal sculpture of Iron Seated Buddha as a prayer for longevity and a happy life for King Gwangjong (光宗, r. 949-975). The inscription on the Stele of State Preceptor Beopin at Bowonsa Temple Site that reads "[I] created a Buddha triad in gold" also suggests the Iron Seated Buddha was produced at Bowonsa Temple. This Iron Seated Buddha is thought to have been enshrined originally in a hall at Building Site No. 3 within the Bowonsa Temple precinct. Since excavations at the temple site have revealed that the temple's main hall was erected in the Joseon period, the Iron Seated Buddha might have been enshrined in a different hall at the time of its creation. It is likely that the sculpture was placed in a hall at Building Site No. 3 since Goryeo-era roof tiles and porcelain have been frequently excavated there and the remains of a square Buddhist altar have survived at the site. At the time of its creation, the Iron Seated Buddha was likely enshrined in a Goryeo-era hall at Building Site No. 3 but was transferred to the main hall during a rebuilding project undertaken at Bowonsa Temple in the Joseon period.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.135-145
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• 2009

This study was performed to investigate added sugar intakes from processed food-snacks and participation behaviors of special event days sharing sweet foods among adolescents in Korea. Questionnaire survey (n = 959), dietary survey (n = 71) by food record method for 3 days, and snack survey (n = 230) for 3 days were carried out, and subjects were overlapped among three surveys. As a result, middle school students (MS) preferred milks and fermented milks while high school students (HS) preferred breads and fast foods as a snack (p < 0.01). MS and HS took snacks three to six times a week, and HS took snacks more frequently than MS (p < 0.05). Most subjects participated in special event days sharing sweet foods such as friend's birthday (68.4%), Peppro's day (61.5%) and Valentine's day (42.6%). As for merits of these events, MS said ‘they could get along with their friends' and ‘relieve stress', while HS said ‘they could enjoy their own events' and ‘confess their affection to whom they like' (p < 0.01). A group of cookies, biscuits, breads and, cakes was major source of added sugars followed by beverages, sweet jellies of red bean, chocolates and candies for subjects. For MS and HS, daily total added sugar intakes from whole processed food-snacks were $30.5{\pm}23.5g/d$ (3.0-137.9 g/d) and $31.7{\pm}23.2g/d$ (1.2-126.1 g/d), and ratios of daily total energy taken from added sugars of whole processed food-snacks in proportion to daily total energy taken from diet (energy percent of added sugars from snacks) were $6.3{\pm}4.7%$ (0.6-26.1%) and $6.3{\pm}4.4%$ (0.3-23.9%), respectively. These results showed that subjects frequently participated in special event days sharing sweet foods. In addition, energy percent of added sugars from snacks was more than the UL suggested by WHO/FAO for some subjects. Therefore, it is highly critical to monitor adolescents' sugar intakes on a long-term basis and to take nutritional management on their high sugar intakes.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.149-171
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• 2020

The period at university is to make decision about getting an actual job. As our society develops rapidly and highly, jobs are diversified, subdivided, and specialized, and students' job preparation period is also getting longer and longer. This study analyzed the log data of college students to see how the various activities that college students experience inside and outside of school might have influences on employment. For this experiment, students' various activities were systematically classified, recorded as an activity data and were divided into six core competencies (Job reinforcement competency, Leadership & teamwork competency, Globalization competency, Organizational commitment competency, Job exploration competency, and Autonomous implementation competency). The effect of the six competency levels on the employment status (employed group, unemployed group) was analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was confirmed that the difference in level between the employed group and the unemployed group was significant for all of the six competencies, so it was possible to infer that the activities at the school are significant for employment. Next, in order to analyze the impact of the six competencies on the qualitative performance of employment, we had ANOVA analysis after dividing the each competency level into 2 groups (low and high group), and creating 6 groups by the range of first annual salary. Students with high levels of globalization capability, job search capability, and autonomous implementation capability were also found to belong to a higher annual salary group. The theoretical contributions of this study are as follows. First, it connects the competencies that can be extracted from the school experience with the competencies in the Human Resource Management field and adds job search competencies and autonomous implementation competencies which are required for university students to have their own successful career & life. Second, we have conducted this analysis with the competency data measured form actual activity and result data collected from the interview and research. Third, it analyzed not only quantitative performance (employment rate) but also qualitative performance (annual salary level). The practical use of this study is as follows. First, it can be a guide when establishing career development plans for college students. It is necessary to prepare for a job that can express one's strengths based on an analysis of the world of work and job, rather than having a no-strategy, unbalanced, or accumulating excessive specifications competition. Second, the person in charge of experience design for college students, at an organizations such as schools, businesses, local governments, and governments, can refer to the six competencies suggested in this study to for the user-useful experiences design that may motivate more participation. By doing so, one event may bring mutual benefits for both event designers and students. Third, in the era of digital transformation, the government's policy manager who envisions the balanced development of the country can make a policy in the direction of achieving the curiosity and energy of college students together with the balanced development of the country. A lot of manpower is required to start up novel platform services that have not existed before or to digitize existing analog products, services and corporate culture. The activities of current digital-generation-college-students are not only catalysts in all industries, but also for very benefit and necessary for college students by themselves for their own successful career development.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.