• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.53-77
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• 2015

Mobile commerce provides a convenient shopping experience in which users can buy products without the constraints of time and space. Mobile commerce has already set off a mega trend in Korea. The market size is estimated at approximately 15 trillion won (KRW) for 2015, thus far. In the Korean market, social commerce and open market are key components. Social commerce has an overwhelming open market in terms of the number of users in the Korean mobile commerce market. From the point of view of the industry, quick market entry, and content curation are considered to be the major success factors, reflecting the rapid growth of social commerce in the market. However, academics' empirical research and analysis to prove the success rate of social commerce is still insufficient. Henceforward, it is to be expected that social commerce and the open market in the Korean mobile commerce will compete intensively. So it is important to conduct an empirical analysis to prove the differences in user experience between social commerce and open market. This paper is an exploratory study that shows a comparative analysis of social commerce and the open market regarding user experience, which is based on the mobile users' reviews. Firstly, this study includes a collection of approximately 10,000 user reviews of social commerce and open market listed Google play. A collection of mobile user reviews were classified into topics, such as perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use through LDA topic modeling. Then, a sentimental analysis and co-occurrence analysis on the topics of perceived usefulness and perceived ease of use was conducted. The study's results demonstrated that social commerce users have a more positive experience in terms of service usefulness and convenience versus open market in the mobile commerce market. Social commerce has provided positive user experiences to mobile users in terms of service areas, like 'delivery,' 'coupon,' and 'discount,' while open market has been faced with user complaints in terms of technical problems and inconveniences like 'login error,' 'view details,' and 'stoppage.' This result has shown that social commerce has a good performance in terms of user service experience, since the aggressive marketing campaign conducted and there have been investments in building logistics infrastructure. However, the open market still has mobile optimization problems, since the open market in mobile commerce still has not resolved user complaints and inconveniences from technical problems. This study presents an exploratory research method used to analyze user experience by utilizing an empirical approach to user reviews. In contrast to previous studies, which conducted surveys to analyze user experience, this study was conducted by using empirical analysis that incorporates user reviews for reflecting users' vivid and actual experiences. Specifically, by using an LDA topic model and TAM this study presents its methodology, which shows an analysis of user reviews that are effective due to the method of dividing user reviews into service areas and technical areas from a new perspective. The methodology of this study has not only proven the differences in user experience between social commerce and open market, but also has provided a deep understanding of user experience in Korean mobile commerce. In addition, the results of this study have important implications on social commerce and open market by proving that user insights can be utilized in establishing competitive and groundbreaking strategies in the market. The limitations and research direction for follow-up studies are as follows. In a follow-up study, it will be required to design a more elaborate technique of the text analysis. This study could not clearly refine the user reviews, even though the ones online have inherent typos and mistakes. This study has proven that the user reviews are an invaluable source to analyze user experience. The methodology of this study can be expected to further expand comparative research of services using user reviews. Even at this moment, users around the world are posting their reviews about service experiences after using the mobile game, commerce, and messenger applications.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.23 no.3 s.31
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• pp.296-308
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• 1990

The relationship between copper and mercury contents in the scalp hair and chronic schizophrenia was investigated. The samples of scalp hair were collected from 80 male chronic schizophrenic patients at the age from 20 to 29, who were hospitalized in the National Psychiatric Hospital in Seoul. As the control group, 69 males were collected from general population. Hair samples were taken from the napes and the Minnesota Multiple Personality Inventory (MMPI) was performed also. The copper and mercury contents were determined by an atomic absorption spectrophotometer. Significantly higher T-score of MMPI was seen in patients group for Hypochondriasis Scale (Hs), Depression Scale (D), Psychopathic Deviate Scale (Pd), Paranoia Scale (Pa), Psychasthenia Scale (Pt), Schizophrenia Scale (Sc) subscales than control group, and the frequency distribution by T-score was also significantly different between the patient and the control group for above scales. The content of copper in the hair of patient group was significantly lower than the control group. In the case of mercury, the mean value of patient group was significantly higher than control group. Between the value of copper and mercury, statistically significant negative correlation (r=-0.25) was found. When grouped by the T-score of MMPI, there was no difference of copper contents between T-score subgroup at all MMPI scale. But the mercury contents showed significant difference between T-score subgroup at Pt, Sc scale. When compared between the group of above 70 T-score and the group of less than 70, the mercury contents of Pa, Pt, Sc scale of above 70 T-score group were significantly higher than the group of less than 70. In other scales, the mercury content of the above 70 group were higher than the group of less than 70 except Mf scale, although there were no statistscally significances. In D, Pa, Sc scales, as the T-score of MMPI increased, the contents of mercury also increased. When divided into the patient group and the control group, the copper contents of the patient groups were significantly lower than the control group at each T-score scale in most MMPI scales. In the case of mercury, the value of patient group were significantly higher than the control group in the less than 44 scale of D, in the $60{\sim}69$ scale of Pd, in the $45{\sim}59$ scale of Mf, in the $60{\sim}69$ scale of Ma, in the less than 44 of Si. These results suggest that the effects of the deficiency of copper or high intake of mecury on schizophrenia and personality may be of possible value. Thus further studies are necessary to determine whether schizophrenia and personality formation would be attributed to copper deficiency or mercury intake.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.75-87
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• 1996

Background: Lung cancer is the second most frequent malignancy in man in Korea. Surgery is the best treatment modality for non-small cell lung cancer, but most patients were presented in far advanced stage. So radiation therapy(RT) with or without chemotherapy is the next choice and radiation-induced pneumonitis and pulmonary fibrosis is the major limiting factor for the curative RT. Radiation pneumonitis is manifested with fever, cough and dyspnea, 2~3 months after the termination of radiotherpy. Chest X ray shows infiltration, typically limited to the radiation field, but occasionally bilateral infiltration was reported. Also Gibson et al reported that BAL lymphocytosis was found in both lungs, even though the radiation was confined to one lung. The aim of this study is to investigate the change of adhesion molecules expression on BAL cells and serum soluble ICAM-1(sICAM-1) level after the RT and its relationship to the development of radiation pneumonitis. The second aim is to confirm the bilaterality of change of BAL cell pattern and adhesion molecule expression. Subjects: BAL and the measurement of sICAM level in serum and BALF were done on 29 patients with lung cancer who received RT with curative intention. The BAL was done before the RT in 16 patients and 1~2 month after RT in 18 patients. 5 patients performed BAL before and after RT. Result: Clinically significant radiation pneumonitis developed in 7 patients. After RT, total cell count in BAL was significantly increased from $(20.2{\pm}10.2){\times}10^6\;cells/ml$ to $(35.3{\pm}21.6){\times}10^6\;cells/ml$ (p=0.0344) and %lymphocyte was also increased from $5.3{\pm}4.2%$ to $39.6{\pm}23.4%$ (p=0.0001) in all patient group. There was no difference between ipsilateral and contraleteral side to RT, and between the patients with and without radiation-pneumonitis. In whole patient group, the level of sICAM-1 showed no significant change after RT(in serum: $378{\pm}148$, $411{\pm}150\;ng/ml$, BALF: $20.2{\pm}12.2$, $45.1{\pm}34.8\;ng/ml$, respectively), but there was a significant difference between the patients with pneumonitis and without pneumonitis (serum: $505{\pm}164$ vs $345{\pm}102\;ng/ml$, p=0.0253, BALF: $67.9{\pm}36.3$ vs $25.2{\pm}17.9\;ng/ml$, p=0.0112). The expression of ICAM-1 on alveolar macrophages (AM) tends to increase after RT (RMFI: from $1.28{\pm}0.479$ to $1.63{\pm}0.539$, p=0.0605), but it was significantly high in patients with pneumonitis ($2.10{\pm}0.390$) compared to the patients without pneumonitis ($1.28{\pm}0.31$, p=0.0002). ICAM-1 expression on lymphocytes and CD 18 (${\beta}2$-integrin) expression tended to be high in the patients with pneumonitis but the difference was statiastically not significant. Conclusion: Subclinical alveolitis on the basis of BAL finding developed bilaterally in all patients after RT. But clinically significant pneumonitis occurred in much smaller fraction and the ICAM-1 expression on AM and the sICAM-1 level in serum were good indicator of it.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.27 no.2 s.46
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• pp.258-273
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• 1994

To compare the physical complaints of vinylhouse farmers with those of non-vinylhouse farmers, a personal interviews on 250 vinylhouse and 142 non-vinylhouse farmers were conducted in Sungjoo county in Kyungpook province selected by a random sampling from July 5 to July 10, 1993. Blood pressure of the subjects was also measured. Vinylhouse farmers had a higher average age, larger family size, shorter experience of farming, more working hours per day and working days per year and higher annual income than the non-vinylhouse farmers. The frequency of pesticide spray of the vinylhouse farmers was 3.4 times on the average in June 1993 as compared with 2.0 times of non-vinylhouse farmers, and 16.7 times for the vinylhouse farmers during the last one year while it was 8.3 times for the non-vinylhouse farmers in the same period. While 39.6% of vinylhouse farmers experienced pesticide intoxication symptoms such as headache, nausea, vomiting, dizziness, itching, and skin irritation, etc. during the month of June, 25.4% of non-vinylhouse farmers experienced such symptoms. The most frequent symptoms among eight symptoms that constitute the farmers' syndrome were lumbago, numbness of hand or foot, shoulder pain and dizziness regardless of sex and type of farming. Prevalence of the farmers' syndrome in male and female among vinylhouse farmers were 22.1%, 43.4%, respectively, and the prevalence in non-vinylhouse farmers was 23.2% for male and 50.7% for female. There was no statistically significant difference in the prevalence of farmers' syndrome between vinylhouse and non-vinylhouse farmers. However, the prevalence in female was about 2 times higher than that of male. When the effects of other factors were adjusted by multiple logistic regression for farmers' syndrome, the prevalence in female was 3.0 times higher than that of male. The prevalence of farmers' syndrome was increased as the age of farmers increased in both vinylhouse and non-vinylhouse farmers, and adjusted odds ratio of farmers' syndrome increased by 3% as the age increased by 1 year. Adjusted odds ratio for Farmers' syndrome in farmers who experienced pesticide intoxication during the month of June was 3.1 times higher than that of farmers who did not have such experience. While the prevalence of hypertension in male and female non-vinylhouse farmers were 22.4%, 13.7%, respectively, the prevalence in vinylhouse farmers were 13.5% for male and 12.0% for female. However, there was no association between farmers' syndrome and hypertension. It was found in this study that the vinylhouse farmers are at a high risk of pesticide intoxication, which is associated with tile common physical complaints. To reduce such risk it is necessary to develop farming methods which do not require the pesticide or may use less pesticide, a safer method of pesticide spraying, and the protective equipments which can be worn at a high temperature and have a better protective effect. Also education of farmers for the correct methods of ventilation after pesticide spraying in the vinylhouse and wearing the protective equipments may be considered as a supportive method. Since inappropriate posture at work and intensive labor may cause farmers' syndrome, it is recommended to develop farming tools which reduce physical burden and take a rest and exercise periodically during work. It is necessary to strengthen the hypertension management program of the Kyungpook province, because the prevalence of hypertension was as high as about 15%.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.74-100
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics of Chinese seowons and to obtain data based on the characteristics of waterscapes unique to Korean seowons. The conclusion of this study from the results of investigation and analysis of the location, water system, and design characteristics of 10 representative traditional seowons in China including Yuelu Seowon(嶽麓書院) conducted based on literature research and field observation is as follows. The water system of Chinese seowons is dualized into an inner and an outer water system, and in general, two and a maximum of three water bodies are superimposed on the outside. The locations of seowons are classified into five types: Four double-sided round water type sites, three converted face water type sites, one three-sided round water type site, a four-sided round water type, and a waterproofing type(依山傍水型). Therefore, compared to the typical Korean seowon facing water in the front and a mountain in the back(背山面水型), the Chinese seowons showed a highly hydrophilic property. The water shapes of the external water system were meandering(46.0%), mooring(36.0%), and broad and irregular(9.0%). In addition, water conception(水態) were streams(31.8%), rivers(27.3%), springs(13.6%), falls(9.1%), lakes(4.5%) and ponds(4.5%), in that order. As for waterscapes of the water system inside the seowon, there were seven in Akrok Seowon and four in Mansong Seowon, indicating a comparatively higher number of waterscapes. Since the 27 detailed waterscapes in 10 seowons that were the subject of the study were classified into six types including ponds and half-moon ponds, they appeared to be more diverse than the Korean seowon. It is noteworthy that in the interior waterscape of the traditional Chinese seowon, the ritualistic order, where at least one half-moon pond or square pond(方池) was arranged, is well displayed. In particular, the half-moon pond(伴池), which is difficult to find in Korean seowon, was found to be a representative waterscape element, accounting for 42.8%. If the square pond of Nanxi Seowon based on Zhu Xi's poem 「Gwanseoyugam(觀書有感)」 is also treated as a square-shaped half-moon pond, the proportion of half-moon ponds in the waterscape will be as high as 50%. The pond shapes consisted of 28% square, 24% each for free curve and round shape, 20% for semi-moon shape, and 3.8% for mountain stream type. This seems to differ greatly from the square-shaped Korean seowon. On the other hand, there were a total of 10 types of structures related to the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon: 11(26.8%) pavilion and bridge sites, five gate room sites(牌坊: 16.5%), four gate and tower sites(樓, 1.4%), two Jae sites(齋, 6.2%), and one site each(3.1%) of Heon(軒), Sa(祠), Dae(臺), and Gak(閣). In particular, the pavilions inside seowon were classified into three types: landscape pavilion(景觀亭 27.2%), tombstone pavilion(碑亭, 18.2%), and banquet pavilion(宴集亭, 54.5%). In general, it was confirmed that the half-moon pond with a pedestal bridge, and the pavilion were the major components with a high degree of connection that dominate the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.861-869
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• 1998

Backgrounds: The injury of a tissue results in the infalmmation, and the imflammed tissue is replaced by the normal parenchymal cells during the process of repair. But, constitutional or repetitive damage of a tissue causes the deposition of collagen resulting in the loss of its function. These lesions are found in the lung of patients with idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis, complicated fibrosis after diffuse alveolar damage (DAD) and inorganic dust-induced lung fibrosis. The tissue from lungs of patients undergoing episodes of active and/or end-stage pulmonary fibrosis shows the accumulation of inflammatory cells, such as mononuclear cells, neutrophils, mast cells and eosinophils, and fibroblast hyperplasia. In this regard, it appears that the inflammation triggers fibroblast activation and proliferation with enhanced matrix synthesis, stimulated by inflammatory mediators such as interleukin-1 (IL-1) and/or tumor necrosis factor (TNF). It has been well known that TGF-$\beta$ enhance the proliferation of fibroblasts and the production of collagen and fibronectin, and inhibit the degradation of collagen. In this regard, It is likely that TGF-$\beta$ undergoes important roles in the pathogenesis of pulmonary fibrosis. Nevertheless, this single cytokine is not the sole regulator of the pulmonary fibrotic response. It is likely that the balance of many cytokines including TGF-$\beta$, IL-1, IL-6 and TNF-$\alpha$ regulates the pathogenesis of pulmonary fibrosis. In this study, we investigate the interaction of TGF-$\beta$, IL-1$\beta$, IL-6 and TNF-$\alpha$ and their effect on the proliferation of fibroblasts. Methods: We used a human fibroblast cell line, MRC-5 (ATCC). The culture of MRC-5 was confirmed by immunofluorecent staining. First, we determined the concentration of serum in cuture medium, in which the proliferation of MRC-5 is supressed but the survival of MRC-5 is retained. Second, we measured optical density after staining the cytokine-stimulated cells with 0.5% naphthol blue black in order to detect the effect of cytokines on the proliferation of MRC-5. Result: In the medium containing 0.5% fetal calf serum, the proliferation of MRC-5 increased by 50%, and it was maintained for 6 days. IL-1$\beta$, TNF-$\alpha$ and IL-6 induced the proliferation of MRC-5 by 45%, 160% and 120%, respectively. IL-1$\beta$ and TNF-$\alpha$ enhanced TGF-$\beta$-induced proliferation of MRC-5 by 64% and 159%, but IL-6 did not affect the TGF-$\beta$-induced proliferation. And lNF-$\alpha$-induced proliferation of MRC-5 was reduced by IL-1$\beta$ in 50%. TGF-$\beta$, TNF-$\alpha$ and both induced the proliferation of MRC-5 to 89%, 135% and 222%, respectively. Conclusions: TNF-$\alpha$, TGF-$\beta$ and IL-1$\beta$, in the order of the effectiveness, showed the induction of MRC-5 proliferation of MRC-5. TNF-$\alpha$ and IL-1$\beta$ enhance the TGF-$\beta$-induced proliferation of MRC-5, but IL-6 did not have any effect TNF-$\alpha$-induced proliferation of MRC-5 is diminished by IL-1, and TNF-$\alpha$ and TGF-$\beta$ showed a additive effect.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.54-88
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• 2019

The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.