• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.25
• /
• pp.253-289
• /
• 2012

Dasiraegi is a traditional funeral rite performance of Jindo located in the South Jeolla Province of South Korea. With its unique stylistic structure including various dances, songs and witty dialogues, and a storyline depicting the birth of a new life in the wake of death, embodying the Buddhism belief that life and death is interconnected; it attracted great interest from performance organizers and performers who were desperately seeking new contents that can be put on stage as a performance. It is needless to say previous research on Dasiraegi had been most valuable in its recreation as it analyzed the performance from a wide range of perspectives. Despite its contributions, the previous researches were mainly academic focusing on: the symbolic meanings of the performance, basic introduction to the components of the performance such as script, lyrics, witty dialogue, appearance (costume and make-up), stage properties, rhythm, dance and etc., lacking accurate representation of the most crucial element of the performance which is sori (song). For this reason, the study analyzes the music of Dasiraegi and presents its musical characteristics along with its scores to provide practical support for performers who are active in the field. Out of all the numbers in Dasiraegi, this study analyzed all of Geosa-nori and Sadang-nori, the funeral dirge (mourning chant) sung as the performers come on stage and Gasangjae-nori, because among the five proceedings of the funeral rite they were the most commonly performed. There are a plethora of performance recordings to choose from, however, this study chose Jindo Dasiraegi, an album released by E&E Media. The album offers high quality recordings of performances, but more importantly, it is easy to obtain and utilize for performers who want to learn the Dasiraegi based on the script provided in this study. The musical analysis discovered a number of interesting findings. Firstly, most of the songs in Dasiraegi use a typical Yukjabaegi-tori which applies the Mi scale frequently containing cut-off (breaking) sounds. Although, Southern Kyoung-tori which applies the Sol scale was used, it was only in limited parts and was musically incomplete. Secondly, there was no musical affinity between Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi albeit both are for funeral rites. The fundamental difference in character and function of Ssitgim-gut and Dasiraegi may be the reason behind this lack of affinity, as Ssitgim-gut is sung to guide the deceased to heaven by comforting him/her, whereas, Dasiaregi is sung to reinvigorate the lives of the living. Lastly, traces of musical grammar found in Pansori are present in the earlier part of Dasiraegi. This may be attributed to the master artist (Designee of Important Intangible Cultural Heritage), who was instrumental in the restoration and hand-down of Dasiaregi, and his experience in a Changgeuk company. The performer's experience with Changgeuk may have induced the alterations in Dasiraegi, causing it to deviate from its original form. On the other hand, it expanded the performative bais by enhancing the performance aspect of Dasiraegi allowing it to be utilized as contents for Performing Arts. It would be meaningful to see this study utilized to benefit future performance artists, taking Dasiraegi as their inspiration, which overcomes the loss of death and invigorates the vibrancy of life.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.393-424
• /
• 2017

This study investigates the relationship between South Korean youths' Confucian values and sense of citizen ethics while presenting outlook on the sense of citizen ethics based on the theory of human nature. The purpose of this study, by doing so, is to present educational measures. For this purpose, empirical research method was applied in this study. In the empirical study, youths were surveyed and the answers were statistically analyzed and discussed with a view to achieve the study purpose. In the empirical research part of the study, Korean youths' awareness on Confucian values was examined along with its relationship with the sense of citizen ethics. The effect of Confucian values on sense of citizen ethics and their relationship were analyzed to evaluate the receptivity of youths on Confucian ideas and usefulness of sense of citizen ethics. This study investigated a total of final 311 sets of data from male and female students at middle and high schools located in Seoul, Gyeonggi, South Korea. First, to identify the youths' Confucian values and level of sense of citizen ethics, descriptive statistical analysis was conducted. As a result, the survey subjects were found to have, concerning the Confucian values, world view M=3.54, human relations view M=3.66, morality cultivation M=3.76, and social order M=3.45, higher than 3.0 to represent positive levels. The morality cultivation, in particular, was recorded the highest among all whereas the social order was relatively lower, which represents the degree of relying on Confucian values to establish social order. Second, the sub-variables of Confucian values were verified according to the personal characteristics of the surveyed youths and differences in their entire perception was investigated. As a result, according to gender, morality cultivation was found higher in female students (M=3.85) than in male students (M=3.64). According to the subjective economic level of their household, world view was found higher in upper class (M=3.98) than middle-low class (M=3.25) and low class (M=3.22) while human relations view was found higher in middle-upper class (M=3.79) than low class (M=3.46). As for the family type, morality cultivation was found higher in extended family (M=3.83) than nuclear family (M=3.62); and social order was higher in extended family (M=3.54) than nuclear family (M=3.36). Third, to verify the study theme of identifying the effects of youths' Confucian values on sense of citizen morality, hierarchical regression analysis was employed in this study, which used the multi-level model of multiple regression analysis. As a result, the Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with the entire sense of citizen ethics in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.499$), world view(${\beta}=.412$), social order(${\beta}=.341$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.241$). Confucian value showed significant positive (+) correlations with autonomy in order of morality cultivation(${\beta}=.458$), human relations view(${\beta}=.454$), social order(${\beta}=.362$), and world view(${\beta}=.158$). Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with community spirit in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.295$), social order(${\beta}=.281$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.232$). As shown in the findings above, youths' Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) effects on the sense of citizen ethics. It is noted that the higher the Confucian values, the more positive the sense of citizen ethics would be. Consequentially, the Confucian values was identified to play an important role in the sense of citizen ethics in the modern society. Based on this analysis, this study presented specific measures - the necessity and possibility of education on sense of citizen ethics under the theory of human nature. To this end, this study proposed to find an optimal interface between the contemporary sense of citizen ethics and Confucian ethics through the respect for human life and nature, man of virtue as the ideal human model, and united society as a desirable society model.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.69
• /
• pp.83-114
• /
• 2017

The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.110-118
• /
• 2021

This study was conducted to investigate the effects of species and varieties of summer forage crops on growth characteristics and productivity in Sihwa reclaimed land. The summer forage crops used in the trial were silage corn, sorghum×sudangrass hybrid(SSH), and proso millet. For each forage species, Gwangpyeongok(GPO), P15453, P1952 and P2088 were used for silage corn, and 877F, Green star, Honey chew, and Turbo gold cultivars were used for SSH. For proso millet, Ibaekchal, Geumsilchal and Manhongchal developed by the National Institute of Crop Science were used. Silage corn and SSH were sown on May 21, 2019 and proso millet on June 4, and harvested on September 2. There was no significant difference in plant and ear height of silage corn among varieties. P1543 was the highest and P2088 was the lowest in yield of silage corn, but there was no significant difference among treatments. Among the SSH, the plant height of 877F was the highest and Turbo gold variety had the smallest (p<0.05). As for the dry matter(DM) yields, 877F had the highest at 3,862 kg/ha and Green star had the lowest at 2,669 kg/ha (p<0.05). The fresh matter yield of proso millet was 15,778 kg/ha, which was higher than that of corn or SSH, The average dry matter yield was 4,780 kg/ha, and Ibaekchal variety had the highest DM yield compared to other varieties (p<0.05). P2088 had the highest TDN content and GPO was the lowest (p<0.05). As for the SSH, the TDN content of Green star and Honey chew varieties was significantly higher, and the RFV value was the lowest in Turbo gold. The average crude protein content of proso millet was 7.03%, and the highest TDN and RFV values were 64.36% and 106 in Geumsilchal. In the experiment of the germination rate of summer forage crops according to salt concentration, silage corn showed a germination rate of 83.1% even at 0.4% salinity. In particular, P2088 and P1921 varieties had more than 80% germination rate even at 0.6% salt concentration. As for the SSH, the germination rate of 877F was 93.3% even at 0.8% salinity, and 88.3% with Honey chew, indicating higher resistance to salt concentration compared to other varieties. Proso millet showed a high germination rate of 84.0 to 88.7% even at a salt concentration of 0.6%. Considering the above results, proso millet was recommended as the most suitable forage crop species in the Sihwa reclaimed land with high salt concentration, and the Ibaekchal variety is recommended as a suitable forage crop due to its high yield.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
• /
• v.66 no.2
• /
• pp.155-170
• /
• 2021

Oats (Avena sativa L.) represent a good forage crop for cultivation in regions with short growing periods and/or cool weather, such as the mountainous areas of southern Korea. In this study, using the Korean elite summer oat varieties 'High speed' and 'Dark horse', we aimed to determine the optimal time to plant and harvest forage oats seeded in spring and summer in a mountainous area. Seeds were planted three times from late February and early August at 9- or 10-days intervals, respectively, and plants were harvested three times from late May to October at 10-day intervals. The experiment was carried out in an upland field (Jangsu-gun Jeonbuk) in 2015 and 2016. We investigated the changes in forage yield (FY) and quality [crude protein (CP) and total digestible nutrient (TDN) contents] based on the time of planting and harvest. Neither the forage quality nor yield of either spring and summer oats was significantly influenced by the time of planting. The CP of spring oats harvested three times at 10-day intervals from late May was 12.0%, 8.2%, and 6.5%, thereby indicating a reduction with a delay in the time of harvest. In summer oats, CP ranged from 8.4% to 8.7%, although unlike CP in spring oats, was not significantly influenced by the time of harvest. For both forage types, harvest time had no significant effect on TDN. The FY of spring oats harvested in late May and early and mid-June was 10.2, 18.7, and 19.5 ton ha^-1, respectively, with that of oats harvested on the latter two dates being significantly increased by 83% and 91%, respectively, compared with that in late May. Similarly, the FY of spring oats harvested in late October and early and mid-November was 7.1, 12.5, and 12.1 ton ha^-1, respectively, with that of oats harvested on the latter two dates being significantly increased by 75% and 71%, respectively, compared with that in late October. Taking into consideration forage yield and quality (not less than 8% CP), it would be profitable to plant spring oats in the mountainous areas of southern Korea until March 15 and harvest around June 10, whereas summer oats could be beneficially planted until August 25 and harvested from early November.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.35-40
• /
• 2021

Purpose Glomerular filtration rate(GFR) is an important indicator for the diagnosis, treatment, and follow-up of kidney disease and is also used by healthy individuals for drug use and evaluating kidney function in donors. The gold standard method of the GFR test is to measure by continuously injecting the inulin which is extrinsic marker, but it takes a long time and the test method is complicated. so, the method of measuring the serum concentration of creatinine is used. Estimated glomerular filtration rate (eGFR) is used instead. However, creatinine is known to be affected by age, gender, muscle mass, etc. eGFR formulas that are currently used include the Cockroft-Gault formula, the modification of diet in renal disease (MDRD) formula, and the chronic kidney disease epidemilogy collaboration (CKD-EPI) formula for adults. For children, the Schwartz formula is used. Measurement of GFR using ⁵¹Cr-EDTA (diethylenetriamine tetraacetic acid), ^99mTc-DTPA (diethylenetriamine pentaacetic acid) can replace inulin and is currently in use. Therefore, We compared the GFR measured using ^99mTc-DTPA with the eGFR using CKD-EPI formula. Materials and Methods For 200 kidney transplant donors who visited Asan medical center.(96 males, 104 females, 47.3 years ± 12.7 years old) GFR was measured using plasma(Two-plasma-sample-method, TPSM) obtained by intravenous administration of ^99mTc-DTPA(0.5mCi, 18.5 MBq). eGFR was derived using CKD-EPI formula based on serum creatinine concentration. Results GFR average measured using ^99mTc-DTPA for 200 kidney transplant donors is 97.27±19.46(ml/min/1.73m²), and the eGFR average value using the CKD-EPI formula is 96.84±17.74(ml/min/1.73m²), The concentration of serum creatinine is 0.84±0.39(mg/dL). Regression formula of ^99mTc-DTPA GFR for serum creatinine-based eGFR was Y = 0.5073X + 48.186, and the correlation coefficient was 0.698 (P<0.01). Difference (%) was 1.52±18.28. Conclusion The correlation coefficient between the ^99mTc-DTPA and the eGFR derived on serum creatinine concentration was confirmed to be moderate. This is estimated that eGFR is affected by external factors such as age, gender, and muscle mass and use of formulas made for kidney disease patients. By using ^99mTc-DTPA, we can provide reliable GFR results, which is used for diagnosis, treatment and observation of kidney disease, and kidney evaluation of kidney transplant patients.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.227-266
• /
• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.1-34
• /
• 2020

It has been suggested that Jeungsan's prophetic poem that starts with the verse "For about seven or eight years, there will be a castle in the ancient country [七八年間古國城] ⋯" originally comes from Prophecies of Jeong Gam (鄭鑑錄). Despite Jeungsan, himself, obviously having been critical of that text, this claim has become the basic grounds for discourse suggesting that Jeungsan was not only interested in Prophecies of Jeong Gam but also considerably influenced by the text. However, the claim itself was formulated due to misunderstandings of the Chinese poems that had been included in A Compilation of Secret Prophecies Hidden in the Family-clan of Seogye (西溪家臧訣). These poems pursue a different ideological orientation than the poem from Prophecies of Jeong Gam. Ultimately, the Chinese poem in the verse 84 the chapter titled, Prophetic Elucidations in The Canonical Scripture of Daesoon Jinrihoe cannot provide a basis for the claim that Jeungsan was strongly influenced by Prophecies of Jeong Gam. This claim that Prophecies of Jeong Gam made a deep impact on Jeungsan and Daesoon Thought was based on three other texts outside of those that appear within verse 84 of Prophetic Elucidations. The first supposedly-related line is: "Heaven opens at the period of the Rat (Ja 子), Earth opens at the period of the Ox (Chuk 丑), humankind starts at the period of the Tiger (Ihn 寅)." This line comes from from Shao Kangjie's Book of Supreme World Ordering Principles (皇極經世), and the line could be quoted idiomatically as an expression in the Joseon Dynasty. Accordingly, attempts to relate Daesoon Thought to Prophecies of Jeong Gam are a distortion that arise from the assumption that Jeungsan had a significant interest in Prophecies of Jeong Gam. The second related line is "At the foot of Mount Mother (母岳山), a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山下 金佛能言]." That line is nearly identical to the verse "On the summit of Mount Mother, a golden icon of Buddha has the ability to speak [母岳山頭 金佛能言]." Yet, Jeungsan changed '頭 (du, the summit)' to '下 (ha, the foot or under)' and express his own unique religious prophecy. This allusion to the prophecies of Jeong Gam is actually a criticism designed to disprove the earlier prophecy. Third, is the verse, "The form of Buddhism, creation of daoism, and propriety of Confucianism [佛之形體仙之造化儒之凡節]," which is characteristically related to Daesoon Thought. This verse can only be found in the prophetic text, Prophecies of Chochang (蕉蒼訣), and it is provided a main source when alleging that Prophecies of Jeong Gam was an influence on Daesoon Thought. However, considering the context of Prophecies of Chochang and the year of its publication (it is assumed to be compiled after 1950s), this does not hold water as Jeungsan had already passed into Heaven several decades before that time. This disqualifies the verse from being a basis for asserting Prophecies of Jeong Gam as an influence on Daesoon Thought. Contrary to the original assertion, there is a considerable amount of evidence that Prophecies of Chochang absorbed aspects of Daesoon Thought, which were simply revised in a novel way. There is no truly compelling evidence underpinning the argument that Prophecies of Jeong Gam had a unilateral impact on Daesoon Thought. There seems to be a great deal of confusion and numerous misinterpretations on this matter. Therefore, the claim that Daesoon Thought, as developed by Jeungsan, was influenced by the discourse on dynastic revolution and feng shui contained in Prophecies of Jeong Gam should be re-examined at the level of its very premise.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
• /
• v.33
• /
• pp.145-153
• /
• 2021

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to evaluate the ovarian dose during radiation therapy for breast cancer in women of childbearing age through an experiment. The ovarian dose is evaluated by comparing and analyzing between the calculated dose in the treatment planning system according to the treatment technique and the measured dose using a thermoluminescence dosimeter (TLD). The clinical usefulness of lead (Pb) apron is investigated through dose analysis according to whether or not it is used. Materials and Methods: Rando humanoid phantom was used for measurement, and wedge filter radiation therapy, 3D conformal radiation therapy, and intensity modulated radiation therapy were used as treatment techniques. A treatment plan was established so that 95% of the prescribed dose could be delivered to the right breast of the Rando humanoid phantom 3D image obtained using the CT simulator. TLD was inserted into the surface and depth of the virtual ovary of the Rando hunmanoid phantom and irradiated with radiation. The measurement location was the center of treatment and the point moved 2 cm to the opposite breast from the center of the Rando hunmanoid phantom, 5cm, 10cm, 12.5cm, 15cm, 17.5cm, 20cm from the boundary of the right breast to the center of treatment and downward, and the surface and depth of the right ovary. Measurements were made at a total of 9 central points. In the dose comparison of treatment planning systems, two wedge filter treatment techniques, three-dimensional conformal radiotherapy, and intensity-modulated radiation therapy were established and compared. Treatments were compared, and dose measurements according to the use of lead apron were compared and analyzed in intensity-modulated radiation therapy. The measured value was calculated by averaging three TLD values for each point and converting using the TLD calibration value, which was calculated as the point dose mean value. In order to compare the treatment plan value with the actual measured value, the absolute dose value was measured and compared at each point (%Diff). Results: At Point A, the center of treatment, a maximum of 201.7cGy was obtained in the treatment planning system, and a maximum of 200.6cGy was obtained in the TLD. In all treatment planning systems, 0cGy was calculated from Point G, which is a point 17.5cm downward from the breast interface. As a result of TLD, a maximum of 2.6cGy was obtained at Point G, and a maximum of 0.9cGy was obtained at Point J, which is the ovarian dose, and the absolute dose was 0.3%~1.3%. The difference in dose according to the use of lead aprons was from a maximum of 2.1cGy to a minimum of 0.1cGy, and the %Diff value was 0.1%~1.1%. Conclusion: In the treatment planning system, the difference in dose according to the three treatment plans did not show a significant difference from 0.85% to 2.45%. In the ovary, the difference between the Rando humanoid phantom's treatment planning system and the actual measured dose was within 0.9%, and the actual measured dose was slightly higher. This did not accurately reflect the effect of scattered radiation in the treatment planning system, and it is thought that the dose of scattered radiation and the dose taken by CBCT with TLD inserted were reflected in the actual measurement. In dosimetry according to the with or without a lead apron, when a lead apron was used, the closer the distance from the treatment range, the more effective the shielding was. Although it is not clinically appropriate for pregnancy or artificial insemination during radiotherapy, the dose irradiated to the ovaries during treatment is not expected to significantly affect the reproductive function of women of childbearing age after radiotherapy. However, since women of childbearing age have constant anxiety, it is thought that psychological stability can be promoted by presenting the data from this study.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.40 no.1
• /
• pp.26-42
• /
• 2022

The purpose of this study is to examine and understand the area and the original outer boundaries of Hamchunwon(含春苑), which was the outer royal garden of Gyeonghuigung Palace, which existed before the site of the Russian legation. The results of the study are as follows. First, examining the 3 types of drawings prepared for securing the Russian legation's site and constructing a new building, it was confirmed that two low peaks, which appear to be the original terrain of Hamchunwon, existed in the north and south directions inside the site. According to the initial plan of the of the legation's site, it appears that the entrance of the legation building is connected to the Saemunan-ro in the northwest. However, according to the report made at the time when the Russian temporary minister Veber purchased the legation's site, it was recorded that the site already had a narrow entrance and a dirt road in place, and hence, it was connected to Saemunan-ro. This fact makes it possible to learn that the line of movement for officials and the original gate were located to the northwest of the site planned as the entrance of the legation building towards Hamchunwon. Second, the site was created by cutting the top of the high hill at the time of the construction of the legation building, and as a result, a two tiered staircase typed terrace was built. The ground on which the main building and the secretary's building, etc., were erected was made by cutting the highest peak and solidifying it flat, and a large quantity of soil was used for grading. In the case of the northern area of the main building, the traces of leveling the terrain by cutting the mountains are apparent, and an observation typed garden with a walking path and pavilion was formed by utilizing the physical environment equipped with an easy view. This may be considered as a use which is consistent with the topographical conditions of creating an outer royal garden to block the civilian views on a high terrain overlooking the palace. Third, Hamchunwon's fences were partially exposed in the photos from the 1880s through the 1890s, which demonstrate the spatial changes made around the US, UK, and the Russian legations. As a result of the photo analysis performed, Hamchunwon occupies the northern area of the Russian legation's site, and it is estimated that the north, west, and east walls of the legation resembled those of Hamchunwon. The area to the south of the Russian legation was originally a place made available for civilian houses, and it was possible to examine the circumstances of purchasing dozens of civilian houses and farmlands according to various materials. Fourth, Hamchunwon, which was formed as the outer royal garden of Gyeongdeokgung Palace of Lord Gwanghaegun, lost its sense of place as an outer royal garden when the entire building of Gyeonghuigung Palace was torn down and used as a construction members during the reconstruction of Gyeongbokgung Palace, and faded away as the site was sold to Russia around 1885. The area where Hamchunwon used to be located transformed into a core space of the Russian legation where the main building and garden were located after the construction of the new building. Hence, Hamchunwon, which was limited to the northern area of the Russian legation, does not carry the temporal and spatial context with Gyeongungung Palace and Seonwonjeon which were constructed after 1897, and it is determined that the view of Seonwonjeon as Baehoorim or Baegyeongrim is not valid.