• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.163-178
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• 2023

This study was conducted to understand the vegetation characteristics of Cheongwansan Provincial Park through the analysis of the plant community structure and to build data necessary for the continuous management and protection of Cheongwansan Provincial Park. The TWINSPAN and DCS analyses of the plant community structure of 63 survey districts in Cheongwansan Provincial Park identified eight colonies, including Cryptomeria japonica Community (I), Chamaecyparis obtusa-Pinus densiflora Commuity (II), P. rigida-P. densiflora Community (III), mixed coniferous and broad-leaved Community (IV), P. densiflora Community (V), deciduous broad-leaved such as Quercus spp. Community (VI), Q. mongolica-P. densiflora Community (VII) and P. thunbergii Community (VIII). The colonies can be grouped into afforestation communities (I, II, and III) dominated by C. obtusa, C. japonica, and P. rigida and natural forest communities (IV, V, VI, VII, and VIII) dominated by native species. Although Cheongwansan Provincial Park is a provincial park area that can represent natural ecosystems and landscapes, the rate of artificial forests is higher than that of other provincial parks. Most of the artificial forest communities are expected to maintain their current state, but since native species such as Machilus thunbergii, Neolitsea sericea, and deciduous broad-leaved, which are warm-temperate trees introduced through surrounding natural forests, appear in the lower layer, it is determined that it is possible to induce succession to natural forests suitable for climatic characteristics through management, and monitoring for continuous management is also necessary. Deciduous broad-leaved such as Quercus spp. Copete with P. densiflora in most natural forest communities. The vegetation series in the warm-temperate region of Korea appears to be in the early stages, and it is believed that the succession to Q. serrata or Q. mongolica, which appears next to coniferous in the series, is in progress. However, M. thunbergii and N. sericea, which appear in the middle stage of the succession in the warm-temperate region, have started to appear, and since Jangheung-gun belongs to the warm-temperate region considering the climate characteristics, the eventual succession to the warm-temperate forests dominated by evergreen broad-leaved is also expected. In this study, we built vegetation data from Cheongwansan Provincial Park, which lacks research on vegetation. However, since vegetation research in Cheongwansan Provincial Park is still insufficient, it is believed that further research should be continuously conducted to establish forest vegetation data and observe vegetation changes.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.79-88
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• 2023

Trifludimoxazin is a triazinone herbicide that inhibits the synthesis of protoporphyrinogen oxidase (PPO). The lack of PPO damages the cell membranes, leading to plant cell death. An official analytical method for the safety management of trifludimoxazin is necessary because it is a newly registered herbicide in Korea. Therefore, this study aimed to develop a residual analysis method to detect trifludimoxazin in five representative agricultural products. The EN method was established as the final extraction method by comparing the recovery test and matrix effect with those of the QuEChERS method. Various sorbent agents were used to establish the clean-up method, and no differences were observed among them. MgSO₄ and PSA were selected as the final clean-up conditions. We used LC-MS/MS considering the selectivity and sensitivity of the target pesticide and analyzed the samples in the MRM mode. The recovery test results using the established analysis method and inter-laboratory validation showed a valid range of 73.5-100.7%, with a relative standard deviation and coefficient of variation less than 12.6% and 14.5%, respectively. Therefore, the presence of trifludimoxazin can be analyzed using a modified QuEChERS method, which is widely available in Korea to ensure the safety of residual insecticides.

• KSCE Journal of Civil and Environmental Engineering Research
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• v.30 no.5A
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• pp.407-415
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• 2010

In Korea, more than 90% of the total number of steel bridges built for 40~70 m span length is a steel box-girder bridge type. A steel box-girder bridge is suitable for long span or curved bridges with outstanding flexural and torsional rigidity as well as good constructability and safety. However, a steel box-girder bridge is uneconomical, requiring many secondary members and workmanship such as stiffeners and ribs requiring welding attachments to flanges or webs. Therefore, in US and Japan, a plate girder bridge, which is relatively cheap and easy to construct is generally used. One type of the plate girder bridge is the two- or three-main girder plate bridge, which is a composite plate girder bridge that minimizes the number of required main girders by increasing the distance between the adjacent girders. Also, for the simplification of girder section, the stiffener which requires attachment to the web is not required. The two-main steel girder plate bridge is a representative type of plate girder bridges, which is suitable for bridges with 10 m effective width and has been developed in the early 1960s in France. To ensure greater safety of two- or three-main girder plate bridges, a larger steel section is used in the bridge domestically than in Europe or Japan. Also, the total number of two- or three-main girder plate bridge constructed in Korea is significantly less than the steel box girder bridge due to a lack of designers' familiarity with more complex design detailing of the bridge compare to that of a steel box girder bridge design. In this study, a new construction method called Turn Over method is proposed to minimize the steel section size used in a two- or three-main girder plate bridge by applying prestressing force to the member using confining concrete section's weight to reduce construction cost. Also, a full scale 20 m Turn Over girder specimen and a Turn Over girder bridge specimen were tested to evaluate constructability and structural safety of the members constructed using Turn Over process.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.115-143
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to analyze contents and process of rites about sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums in early Joseon Dynasty, and to conclude, to review the position of Royal Mausoleums in the whole National Rites System. The sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums started from building Royal Mausoleums of 8 persons-ancestors since King T'aejo's great-great-grandparents, in 1392, founding Joseon Dynasty. In 1408, King T'aejo had died and his Kŏnwŏnnŭng (健元陵) was builted in Yangju, Gyeonggi-do. Since then, after kings of many generations died, each of Royal Mausoleums was builted solemnlly. In the process of this, sacrificial rituals modified and supplemented, especially during the reign of king Sejong(1418~1450). After all, the sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums was settled in KukchoOryeūi(國朝五禮儀, Five State Rites) compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong. In process of Institutionalization of sacrificial rituals, the argument between king and vassals about four-seasons' ancestral rites was properly or not was occurred. That was because the memorial times of Royal Mausoleums overlaped Chongmyo's and more important Chongmyo's ancestral rites was neglected. But four-seasons' ancestral rites of Royal Mausoleums was continued until 17th century. Sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums as royal personal rites had simple processes compared to sacrificial rites of Chongmyo, upper-graded formal ancestral rites, under National Rites system. Justifying to served his parents with devotion, the kings in early Joseon Dynasty went to Royal Mausoleums 2-3 times annually. During coming and going, he show off his presence as king in power to his subjects through magnificent guard of honor. On the one hand, he met his subjects directly and acceded to various petition. Above all things, The kings in early Joseon Dynasty emphasized his military power through military training, namely, hunting, disposition of troops, and so on.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.31-72
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• 2010

At first, I extract materials on folk religion from four encyclopedic literatures of late Chosun dynasty-Lee, Ji-Bong-Ryu-Seol(『芝峯類說』) by Soo-Kwang(李晬光), San-Lim-Kyung-Jae(『山林經濟』) by Hong, Man-Sun(洪萬選), Sung-Ho-Sa-Seol(『星湖僿說』) by Lee-Ik(李瀷), O-Ju-Yeon-Moon-Jang-Jun-San-Go(『五洲衍文長箋散稿』) by Lee, Kyu-Kyung(李圭景), and present these materials by tables. Second, I examined the contents and characters of these materials on folk religion. The conclusions from this research are as follows. ① There are common features and points of difference between these four encyclopedic literatures. One of common features are that all these four are encyclopedic works, but San-Lim-Kyung-Jae is more practical than another three. ② These encyclopedic literatures regard folk religion as a negative culture, because these literatures based on Confucianism. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of folk religion. ③ These encyclopedic literatures give us many informations on gods and spirits of Korean folk religion, i.e. city gods(城隍神)·Yup-Sin(업신)·spirits of disease, god Kim-Bu(金傅大王神)·god Jung-Duk-Yang(鄭得揚)·god of King Kuan-u(關王神)·god Bu-keun(付根神) etc. So I review these gods and spirits referenced in encyclopedic literatures. ④ These encyclopedic literatures show much interest in ghost in common. The reason of interest is that authors of these encyclopedic literatures are all scholars of Sung Confucianism and Sung Confucian was concern about ghost. The Sung Confucianism denied the ghost as personal being whom Korean folk religion regards to a kind of spirits. Instead of beliefs in ghost of folk religion, they insist on the ghost as Ki(氣), a kind of cosmic principle. But these encyclopedic literatures acknowledge some parts of folk religion's beliefs in ghost, because they admit the miraculous virtues of these parts. ⑤ There are many items on divination in these encyclopedic literatures. But they show dual attitude on divinations. The one is negative attitude to divinations on individual destiny and the other one is positive attitude to divinations on agriculture. ⑥ There are also many items on witchcrafts in these encyclopedic literatures. Through these items, I assumed pervasiveness of beliefs on witchcraft at that time. ⑦ Shamans, as religious specialist, are stand on a central position of Korean folk religion. So it is a matter of course that these encyclopedic literatures concerned on Korean shaman. As Confucians, authors of these encyclopedic literatures did not regards shamans as positive one. But they did not deny miraculous virtues of shamans. In spite of these encyclopedic literatures have negative view points to, and include false informations Korean folk religion, I would like to emphasis on importance of these encyclopedic literatures to understand Korean folk religions, especially Korean folk religions of late Yi Dynasty.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.185-212
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• 2011

Buddhist dance (seungmu) is a crux and highlight of Korean traditional dance; its aesthetics and technique are extraordinary, and Korean dance's unique style is well expressed. The Buddhist dance, which has been descended, is divided into Han Yeong Suk style, which is designated as Important Intangible Asset Number 27, and Lee Mae Bang style. While the two dances are same one, area is difference and they have unique style because of genealogical difference. However, studies on Buddhist dance so far have focused on single style's dance, or comparison of regional aspects (Han Yeong Suk dance is from Gyeonggi and Lee Mae Bang dance is from Honam area). But, Lee Byeong Ok suggested traditional artist dance is differed by male dance genealogy and female dance (gibang) genealogy dance, and while folk dance has storng tie with region, but artist dance has weak regional tie. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to study genealogical character of Buddhist dance's dancing style, clarifying Han Yeong Suk dance is male dance genealogy and Lee Mae Bang dance is gibang dance genealogy. In other words, among three theses that compared Lee Mae Bang and Han Yeong Suk dances, one analyzing movement, one comparing dance of invocation and one comparing traditional ballad, are re-analyzed from genealogical perspective and characteristics are comparatively analzyed. The overall summary of the genealogical attitude of the Han Yeong Suk and Lee Mae Ban dances is; First, Han's dance has masculinity, upwardness, progressiveness, activeness, outgoing character, boldness and grace, which are character of male dance lineage, while Lee's dance shows feminity, downwardness, backwardness, aesthecity, inwardness, delicacy and coquette. Second, the most expressed parts of the attitude of two dances are genealogical character, and then are original and regional characters. Third, two dances have strong genealogical attitude, but also has anti-genealogical attitude since the gender of descendent was changed, in other words Lee Mae Bang was man, and Han Yeong Suk was woman. Fourth, even though the two Buddhist dances have different genealogy and region, they share similarities as traditional dance descended in the same time period, so there are many common features. In other words, the two dances are Korean nation's dance and from same time period, but they should not be mixed, either. Even though they have small differences, they must keep each genealogy and descend to the next generation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.223-252
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• 2011

If we remember that modern world history has built systems of meaning through the concepts "difference," "different," and "other-ness" and has constructed new identity based on opposing hierarchy, music anthropology which tried to build "difference" between the west and the non-west was thoroughly west -centered, in the sense that it has perceived the heterogeneous symbolic systems among nations, as well as the barrier between the two cultures. On the other hand, world music, which has emerged as the most attractive field in culture industry and concert-art-market by crossing over global capitals, markets, and barriers, can be considered the most post-modernist and glocal. However, it is interesting to note that world music, which has been described as post-modern and glocal, has "difference" and "different" in its basis, just like the precepts for modern music anthropology (Meintjes 1990; Guilbault 1993; Taylor 1997; Frith 2000; Feld 1988). Furthermore, one can understand that the "different" and "difference," generally termed as being "non-western," are fundamentally based on ethnic or national imagination. In this sense it is interesting and important to examine such ethnic imagination in the "non-western ethnic musics" in music anthropology and in world music. Notwithstanding the attention paid and research made by music anthropologists, they have failed to elevate the "non-western ethnic musics" to become universally communicative, and these ethnic musics were reborn as "global" and "world music," through the process of "acculturation," "derivation," and "hybridization," with the west as major site for production and consumption. Meanwhile, the audience for world music, which did not exist before the birth of world music as a term, was now born as world music emerged. They are global populace who consume the musical "difference" and "imagined ethnicity," who through their consumption are constructing new social meanings including ethnicity, race, nation, and class identity. This study, by examining current discourse, performance, and process for the world music through media and field studies and scholarly debates, attempts to understand the production and consumption of "imagined ethnicity." This will also shed light on how "ethnicity" is created and consumed, and how this is involved in the process of world music.