• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.5-29
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• 2018

This paper aims at making an assessment about the first year of the Moon Jae-in government. President Moon was elected amid political insecurity over the impeachment of then-president Park Geun-hye. However, the Moon administration settled in fairly smoothly despite no transition period of presidential power. Political and economic stability was soon restored, and the tensions between the US and North Korea over the North's nuclear weapons program were, to some extent, managed along with the agreement of the North-South summit and the US-North Korea summit. Pyeongchang hosted the 2018 winter olympics and paralympics successfully. Moon continued very positive approval ratings of higher than 70%. However, he has something to be desired. His leadership seems to rely heavily on a limited number of close staff in the Blue House, alienating the governing the Minjoo Party of Korea. He should build better relationship with opposition parties particularly given a divided government. Rectification of the lingering negative practices should also produce institutional solutions. Above all, Moon should carefully watch out to prevent scandals over corruption and power abuse around him and his family, which would lead to a precipitous decline of the approval ratings and the abrupt weakening of the leadership.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2017.11a
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• pp.1523-1529
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• 2017

신정부의 탈원전 정책에 의해 급속하게 원자력계를 둘러싼 환경이 변하고 있다. 지금까지의 정부가 추진해온 원자력 중심의 전원계획이 신재생에너지 확대를 위한 계획으로 변화되어 가고 있다. 그리고 이러한 정부 정책 추진의 중심에는 매우 높은 대통령 지지율이 기반이 되고 있다. 하지만 여러 여론 조사 결과를 살펴보면 대통령은 약 65% 내외의 지지를 기록함에도 불구하고 원자력 활용에 대해서는 찬반 의견이 매우 팽팽하다. 즉, 원자력에 대한 이슈가 최근 에너지, 경제 문제가 아닌 정치 이슈가 된 상황에서도 원자력에 대해 지지를 보여주는 집단이 존재한다는 것을 뜻한다. 하지만 원자력을 지지하는 일반인들이 정치권과 탈핵 시민단체에서 원자력 분야를 소위 '적폐'로 규정하고 '원자력 마피아'로 명명한 상태에서 원자력에 대해 드러내놓고 지지하는 것은 쉽지 않다. 따라서 본 연구는 우리나라의 어떠한 계층에서 원자력을 지지하는지, 즉 'Shy Nuclear'를 찾고 이 지지층들의 특징에 대해서 분석하였다. 지지층 분류를 위해서 머신러닝의 분류분석 기법인 Decision Tree Analysis(의사결정나무) 방법론을 활용하였다. 분석 결과 Shy Nuclear를 결정하는 주 요인은 거주지역으로 나타났다. 아울러 수도권에 거주하고 있는 사무/관리/전문직/퇴직자 집단이 가장 원자력에 높은 호감도(긍정 76.1%)를 보여주었다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.79-106
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• 2019

Local governments within the boundaries of a state need increasing flexibility to satisfy diverse economic, social, and environmental goals in their particular geographical setting. However, many candidates in the local election in South Korea tend to see local politics as an extension of national-level politics. In particular, this paper mainly deals with how the voters' evaluation of a president's performance has influenced subnational elections in South Korea. Our analysis suggests that the fate of candidates in subnational elections is shaped by the performance of the incumbent president in both economic development and foreign affairs.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.375-385
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• 2009

For 2007 Korea presidential election, most polls by telephone surveys indicated Lee Myung-Bak led the second runner-up Jung Dong-Young by certain margin. The margin between two candidates can be estimated accurately by averaging individual poll results, provided there exists no systematic bias in telephone surveys. Most Korean telephone surveys via telephone directory are based on quota samples, with the region, the gender and the age-band as quota variables. Thus the surveys may result in certain systematic bias due to unbalanced factors inherent in quota sampling. The aim of this study is to answer the following questions by the analytic methods adopted in Huh et al. (2004): Question 1. Wasn't there systematic bias in estimates of support rates. Question 2. If yes, what was the source of the bias? To answer the questions, we collected eighteen surveys administered during the election campaign period and applied the iterated proportional weighting (the rim weighting) to the last eleven surveys to obtain the balance in five factors - region, gender, age, occupation and education level. We found that the support rate of Lee Myung-Bak was over-estimated consistently by 1.4%P and that of Jung Dong-Young was underestimated by 0.6%P, resulting in the over-estimation of the margin by 2.0%P. By investigating the Lee Myung-Bak bias with logistic regression models, we conclude that it originated from the under-representation of less educated class and/or the over-representation of house wives in telephone samples.

• 월간 한농연
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• s.81
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• pp.14-17
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• 2009

6월 임시국회가 여야간 입장차이로 표류하고 있다. 한나라당에서는 민생현안 처리를 등원카드로 민주당의 압박하면서 단독 국회개원 불사방침을 밝히고 있고 노무현 전 대통령 서거 이후 지지율이 급상승한 민주당은 대통령 사과와 국정쇄신을 강력하게 요구하면서 한나라당의 법안 강행 처리시도에 대비해 국회를 점거하면서 대립하고 있다. 이로 인해 농업계가 가장 크게 우려하고 있는 한미FTA비준안 처리시도는 지연이 불가피할 것으로 보인다. 한농연과 한여농은 국회비준을 앞두고 각 시군구 차량집회를 개최하여 정치권에 비준반대 입장과 요구사항을 전달하는 등 적극적인 활동을 전개했다.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.499-509
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• 2020

We compared and analyzed the relationship between vote intention, vote expectation, and party approval rate using the 19th Presidential Election and the 7th Nationwide Simultaneous Local Election (Regional Local Government Election) poll data. The case study provides an alternative method of predicting the winner using vote expectation and a party approval rate that can improve the accuracy of election forecasting.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2012.11a
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• pp.1770-1772
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• 2012

현재 인터넷 공간은 사람들의 관심사나 사회적인 이슈들을 반영하고 있다. 사회적으로 어떤 사건이 발생하면 그 사건에 관한 뉴스 기사나 관련된 다양한 콘텐츠들이 생성되어 여러 사람들에게 소비되고 공유된다. 뿐만 아니라 이와는 반대로 인터넷 공간에서 사람들에게 많은 관심을 받거나 이슈가 된 사건이 사회적인 관심거리가 되기도 한다. 최근에는 인터넷 공간에서 발생하는 정보 검색이나 콘텐츠 생성 패턴을 분석하여 실제 사회에서의 이슈나 트렌드를 예측하려는 연구가 활발히 진행되고 있다. 이 논문에서는 인터넷을 기반으로 분석한 자료와 전문 기관에서 분석한 자료의 상관관계를 분석하고자 한다. 그 중 최근 뉴스나 콘텐츠가 많이 생산되는 2012년 대통령 선거 후보에 관한 인터넷 뉴스 기사량과 전문조사 기관에서 발표한 각 후보의 지지율을 보이고 두 자료 간의 상관관계를 분석한다. 그리고 실험 결과로 대선 후보들의 기사 점유율과 발표된 지지율에 높은 상관관계가 있음을 보인다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.39-66
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.49-54
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• 2015

This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.207-214
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• 2013

It was the 18th presidential election TV debate Twitter participation of SNS. Began to diverge as the era of social media, combined with SNS through in the mass media, media web 2.0. Search tweets, retweets, while the formation of policy issues, the agenda of Twitter users to listen to the statements of the candidates using the Internet or a smartphone. The highest number of tweets immediately issue statements were made. Content during the progressive tweets core keywords you do not often discussed, followed by the negative information increases the number of tweets has become a policy issue. Top retweets was to evaluate the process of debate, regardless of the issue. Tweeter complements the TV so Twitter has made public opinion. Smart phones and SNS Twitter, combined with the TV and the participation and direct democracy, voters vote one instrument was realized. Should forward approval ratings, real-time Twitter subtitles on the TV screen in TV debate Twitter influence in the election will be greatly expanded.