• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.283-303
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• 2016

The concept of a risk society, which was originally suggested by German sociologist Ulrich Beck, is insufficient to reveal how a certain risk materially and discursively unfolds on the ground and how its various dynamics are recognised by diverse actors because of the concept's spatial insensitivity. As an alternative approach, this paper introduces the concept of the riskscape, which was suggested by German geographer Detlef $M{\ddot{u}}ller$-Mahn, and analyses this concept in the context of the East Asian developmental state. It is meaningful that the East Asian developmental state thesis has strongly promoted the role of the state in stimulating national economic development in underdeveloped countries. However, it should also be noted that an active state role in encouraging modernisation and economic growth within a very short time produces consequences of what Beck calls 'manufactured risks', such as nuclear power plants. Therefore, it is essential to analyse the state in comprehending modernisation and the risk society in East Asia. More specifically, using the case of the location policy for nuclear power facilities, this article reveals how dominant social forces acting in and through the state constructed a national riskscape that minimises the gravity of local risks while prioritising the economic value of the national economy over local risks to produce rapid modernisation. Additionally, it is argued that a dominant national riskscape may become weak from competing with different riskscapes that are constructed based on contingency factors (e.g., political democratisation or a natural disaster). Based on these analyses, the article emphasises that interdisciplinary research using the concept of the riskscape is required to better explain the risks in East Asia.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Disaster Information Conference
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• 2016.11a
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• pp.299-301
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• 2016

현대 사회에서 테러는 국제적으로 매우 빈번하게 일어나고 있으며, 대한민국도 더 이상 테러의 안전지대가 아니라는 뉴스가 보도되고 있다. 하지만 우리에 테러의 인식에 따른 시각은 다소 편협하여 성별, 나이, 직위, 장소등 많은 부분에서 갈등을 갖으며, 또한 한반도는 남북한의 갈등으로 인한 특수성은 게릴라 전을 테러라고 인식하는 시각이 있다. 국내 특수성으로 인해 테러를 전쟁의 영역으로 보고 테러대응 전략은 국가 안보로 많이 치우쳐져 있다. 역사와 정치적으로 또한 테러는 이념대립으로 인한 전쟁으로 치우쳐 전쟁의 전략에 한 부분으로 인식 되어 왔다는 것이 사실이다.(Rumyana G., 2014) 이는 전쟁의 시각에서 테러를 잘 설명하고 있다. 한편, 테러의 개념은 시간이 지남에 따라 기존의 안보의 개념뿐 아니라 재난의 개념에서도 찾을 수 있다. "불평등한 사회에 대한 민중의 분노로 이해하여야 한다"고 스위스 진보적 사회학자 장 징글러(Jean Ziegler) 는 말하며 무고한 사람들을 타겟으로 한 정치적 목적을 이루기 위한 비합법적 무력 사용으로 보았다. 즉, 비합법적 무력사용으로 무고한 다중(Innocent people)에게 폭력을 행사한 것이다. 젠킨스와 라쿼르의 정의를 살펴보면 "테러리즘이란 폭력 혹은 폭력의 위협이다"라고 정하였다.(Jenkins 2004) 폭력이란 형법에서는 다른 사람에게 상해를 입히거나 협박하거나 하는 등의 행위와 함께 다른 사람을 감금하는 행위, 주거에 침입하는 행위, 기물의 파손 등에 대해서도 폭력이라 표현한다. 철학, 정치학 등의 학문에서는 다른 사람 또는 국가나 세력을 제압하는 힘을 일반적으로 지칭하기도 한다. 힘자랑이나 힘겨루기가 이에 속한다. 무력의 사용으로 사회에 심리적인 영향을 끼치며 사회적 파괴를 일으키는 것을 보편적 테러의 개념으로 볼 수 있다. 테러는 국가 통치 질서와 사회질서 안정에 큰 위협과 혼란을 초래하는 파괴행위의 무력행사로 국가의 재난 상황을 유발하는 인류가 만든 재난으로 볼 수 있다. 자연현상으로 발생하는 자연재해는 인류의 시점에서 재난으로 해석된다. 마찬가지로 사회현상으로 발생하는 폭력적 파괴행위에 대한 피해는 인류의 시점에서 재난의 현상으로 해석 되어야 한다. 과학기술이 발달하면서 첨단기술을 이용한 폭력행위와 파괴의 두려움은 정보통신 기술의 발달로 두려움의 전파 속도도 빨라 질 것이다. 따라서 테러행위의 극복을 위해서는 테러를 인적재난(Man-made Disaster)로 보고 재난의 범주로 포함하여 미래의 테러를 위한 대비전략을 수립해야 할 것이다. 이를 위해 본 논문에서는 학계의 학자들과 기관 및 민간 의 전문기관들에 따른 테러의 정의를 분석하고 재난정의를 고찰하여 시사점을 제시하고, 대테러 대비 전략의 방향에 기틀을 마련하고자 테러정의를 도출하였습니다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.53-75
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• 2013

This study looks into Dooriban movement, which problematizes the ways in which social movements are carried out in everyday settings in modern Korea. Contrary to traditional social movements, Dooriban movement led by active/independent participants -who are locally situated and culturally sensitized- showed a new way of engaging with political power. Making use of qualitative methodology such as in-depth interviews and participant observation, this research examines the implications of emergent cultural practices that redefine and reconfigure the working mechanisms of social movements in Korea today.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.91-120
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• 2010

In this paper, I tried to analyze the image of bamboo from Chang Hyun-kwang's poetry. Especially I focused on defining the symbolic meaning of bamboo as a poetic material. To achieve this, I inspected his view of world and politic life. He considered his contemporary period as 'ethically corrupted' world. During his life time, he served for three kings and also suffered from the fires of war four times. That means, he had to undergo the political unrest and national crisis during his life time. Due to the chaotic state of affairs, all the people were busy pursuing their own interests. It made Chang had no choice but retiring from active life. While Chang revealed his attitude to life through writing poetry, he used the image of bamboo as a completion of one's mature character. And the image of bamboo what he used was somewhat different from general one. Chang used the image of bamboo in two ways. The one is seeking live in retirement, and the other is chasing completion of his own mature character in academic way.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.291-319
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• 2021

In this paper, I looked for the parts where laughter appeared in the Mundoong, Yangban, Yeongno, and Grandfather and Grandmother of Tongyeong Ogwangdae and Dongrae Yaryu, and investigated the meaning of those parts. Laughter in mask play has made him more tolerant of human injustice and foolishness. I softened the critical content and naturally revealed what I thought should be hidden. Through a short and noisy plot, the opposing forces, the inner conflict of the Mundoong, Yangban, Yeongno, and Grandfather and Grandmother were shown in a realistic and realistic way. The worldview that creates the structure of realism is typically skeptical and ironic, and the worldview that creates the comical structure related to laughter aims for the ultimate emergence of a new order based on unity and harmony. Masking is thought to be a work in the stage of moving from the latter to the former. Therefore, it is judged that laughter in mask play served as an important medium for Korean art thought to have a realist view of the world. This is because various expression methods that induce laughter are working to reveal negativity, reveal the illusion of contemporary values, and naturally expose restraint and taboo suppression. In laughter, there is a path that transforms perception by fusing several elements. There was realism at the end of the pathway to new perception.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.234-249
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• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.14
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• pp.517-534
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• 2007

Since the beginning of human society, there have always been struggles and competitions for survival and prosperity, terrorism is not a recent phenomenon, however in modern times it has progressed to reflect the advances in civilization and power structures. At the time of the 9.11 terrorist attacks in the U.S. A., a new world order was in the process of being established after the breakdown of the Cold War era. The attacks drove both the Western and the Islamic worlds into heightened fear of terrorism and war, which threatened the quality of life of the whole mankind. Through two war campaigns against the Islamic world, it seems the U.S. has been pushing its own militaristic security road map of the Greater Middle East democratic initiative, justifying it as a means to retaliate and eradicate the terrorist threats towards themselves. However, with its five-year lopsided victories that cost the nation almost four thousand military casualties, and the war expenses that could match the Vietnam war, the U.S. does not yet seem to be totally emancipated from the fears of terrorism. Terrorism, in itself, is a means of resisting forced rules a form of alternative competition by the weak against the strong, and a way of expressing a dismissive response against dictatorial ideas or orders which allow for no normal changes. Intrinsically, the nature of terrorism is a reaction opposing power logics. Confronted with the absolute military power of the U.S., the Islamic strategies of terrorism have begun to rapidly evolve into a new stage. The new strategies take advantage of their civilization and circumstances, they train and inspire their front-line fighters on the Internet, and issue their orders through the clandestine network of the Al Qaeda operatives. These spontaneously generated strategies have been gained speed among the second, and third Islamic generations, many of whom are now spread throughout western societies. This represents a failure of the power-driven, one-sided overseas security initiatives by the U.S., and is creating a culture of fear and distrust in western societies. It is feared that the U.S. war campaigns have made the clash of religions far worse than before, and may ever lead to global ethnic separations and large-scale population movements. Eventually, it may result in the terrorist groups, enlarged and secretly supported by the huge sums of oil money, driving all mankind into a series of irreparable catastrophes.