• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.381
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• pp.30-31
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• 2007

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.51-77
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• 2016

In February, 2012, three members of the Russian Feminist Rock group 'Pussy Riot' were accused of staging a 'Punk Prayer' in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow and were imprisoned for two years. This case, which sparked widespread enthusiastic support from those in the West, was viewed in Russia in quite a different way. The Pussy Riot affair very effectively shows the historic base of contemporary Russian gender discourse and gives an explanation as to why Putin's very conservative and masculine-centered nationalistic agenda works in Russian society with such great success. In this article, we introduce the Pussy Riot case and compare the reactions to the case published in the Russian and Western press; we then examine the historic causes of the masculine-centered nationalistic agenda of Putin's government.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture Conference
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• 2008.10a
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• pp.18-23
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• 2008

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.102-114
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• 2009

Urban discourse can be used to create a better living environment through open thinking, understanding and discussion. It raises both physical and social issues surrounding the urban environment. It can encourage the participation of citizen groups and lead the way to develop a community-oriented urban environment through inter-discourse agreement. The urban space of Cheonggye Stream has produced a wide range of urban discourse from 2003 to the present. Discourse regarding the Cheonggye Stream restoration project has been approached by fields including landscape architecture, ecology, urbanism, architecture, politics, and economics, among others. This discourse has reduced a variety of issues and ranges of debate. This study has classified these discussions into related fields and ideological attitudes, analysed their content, and interpreted their meaning. In order to examine the mutual relationships existing among these discourses by different ideological groups, an analytical framework was established byputting classified versions of discourses into a coordinate diagram. The overall topography showing the present status of Korea public awareness regarding the urban environment could therefore be determined. As a result, it was found that the disciplines of landscape architecture took a middle ground between groups with practical and radical ideologies regarding the Cheonggye Stream project and was a mediator for both poles to find a point of contact. However, participatory discourse requires the disciplines of landscape architecture to participate more actively in the discourses on urban environment and take a more active stand corresponding to the zeitgeist and people's sense of public justice.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.9
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• pp.434-446
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper was to analyze a social discourse on the enactment of School Sport Promotion Law produced in the media. For this purpose, 73 articles related to the law collected from portal sites such as 'Daum', 'Naver' and 'Yahoo' as well as 'KINDS' were utilized for data analysis. Therefore, it was concluded that a social discourse's feature related to the enactment of the law is a social 'support' discourse calling for the enactment of the law, a 'denunciation' discourse after the rejection at the regular session of the National Assembly, a 'opposition' discourse concerned about the regression of elite sport and a 'wish' discourse expecting the leap and vitalization of school sport. From the holistic point of view, a dominant discourse is the appropriateness and necessity of the enactment of the law. However, smaller but stronger voices of dissent concerning about the decline in the development of elite sport (especially elite sporting success) were raised.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.712-726
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to find out what discourse the newspaper's articles produce and distribute about 'drug addiction' and to reveal the topography and meaning of the discourse. Data were collected by searching 'drug' 'drug addiction' as keywords for news articles in four daily newspapers in Korea. As a result of analyzing using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, first, the 'crime-punishment' discourse was dominant in textual analysis. Drug addiction is a social evil and a serious crime such as sex crimes, child crimes, and violence, so it should be strictly punished. Second, in the discourse practice analysis, drug addiction is a mental disease that needs treatment, so systematic management by the state is required. Third, in the socio-cultural practice analysis, drug addiction is a means of making money for economic benefit, is related to corruption of political power, and is an object that should be strongly controlled to prevent drug crimes from threatening the foundation of the state. Culturally, drug addiction stems from the motivation of pleasure seeking, and is the result of moral degradation. Through this analysis, the conversion to the 'disease-treatment' discourse and drug policies centered on treatment and rehabilitation were suggested as alternatives.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.64 no.1
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• pp.299-324
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• 2012

After social service voucher schemes were introduced in Korea, many controversies have been concentrated on market-based approach, which encourage competition and choice while amount of funding, number of providers, and types of services have been rapidly expanded. This also could mean that transform of social service paradigm from provider-centered approach to user-cantered approach, one of the trends found internationally. Therefore, this is the study to reveal development of social service discourses in Britain where various models of social services have been attempted in their modern history. Then, through the historical analysis, the trends toward more user-cantered approach were found to be distinguished based on the division of individualism and collectivism. This could provide theocratical implication to the current discussion on social services in Korea.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.73-103
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• 2017

With the introduction and expansion of 'maker movement', maker culture captured attention and saw itself as an emerging culture. This study aims to analyze published books, policy report, columns and news articles related to maker culture through the perspective of critical discourse analysis. Maker movement led by the government gives meaning to the maker culture as the force of 'creative economy' that can overcome the economic crisis. Following this meaning making, one-man digital fabrication start-ups have been actively promoted by government policies. In the case of Seoul, it criticizes government led maker movement that only focuses on economy and institutionalizes maker movement by focusing on the maker culture's aspect as 'digital social innovation' that can resolve social problems. In the world of art, it tries to rediscover the value craft, that is, 'creative craftsman'. Moreover, resistance movement that tries to fight against dominant technology structure through constructing 'critical making' was also spotted. Nonetheless, it is rather untimely to definitely find dominant discourse's power effect in reality and sign of rupture in dominant structure as the result of resisting discourse's struggle. Thus, maker movement is the field of struggle where an ongoing clash can be found: between discourse strategy that tries to make maker culture a social or economic asset by combining with dominant power structure, and alternating or resisting practice of signification that focuses on its cultural techno-political potential.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.503-514
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• 2016

The starting point of this study is an examination of the vital role of terrestrial broadcasting in Korean society, where ethnic minorities have increasingly become visible. Korean terrestrial broadcasters' mandate emphasises the broadcaster's responsibility to represent and reflect the range of public opinion and experiences beyond class, age, ethnicity and ideological orientation. The main purpose of this study is to visually examine the means through which terrestrial broadcasting generates discourses of We-ness and Otherness at times of change in the Korean society. The study focuses on prime-time broadcasting news programmes' visual representations of migrants and ethnic minorities.