• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.71-101
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• 2008

This study is intended to review the war and the living of the common people of Choseon dynasty, through the true stories of captives kidnapped in the region of the Qing(胡地) during the Pyeongja horan in the 17th century. The common people, Kim seung kyung and Ahn chu won, who had been kidnapped in their young age, managed to escape from the region of the Qing to Choseon after having experienced a painful living as a captive for 27 years. Kim seung kyung and Ahn chu won had to make a choice to run away from the Qing in order to bring their war distorted life back to its original state. Kim seung kyung who had successfully escaped, could live without severe difficulties by the aid of his family living at his hometown, but Ahn chu won who had not found his own family or relatives, couldn't have got any helping hand from the people mentally or financially. So, he tried to escape again to Beijing, but discovered and captured so that a diplomatic problem was caused between the Choseon and the Qing Dynasty. Through the true story of Kim seung kyung and Ahn chu won, we can see the lives of Choseon common people who were trying to overcome the difficulties with their own iron will without being undaunted by hardships. Even though the captives had terrible experiences hating to remember, their experiences gave a chance to the Choseon people opening their eyes to the foreign cultures and the new world. At that time, the Choseon government was too weak to estimate how many captives were or what the captive's real fact was. Meanwhile the Choseon government managed to do the least duty in order to protect its people, by breaking the provisions of repatriation that the fled captives should be returned back to the Qing Dynasty. Through reviewing the captive's true story of the Choseon common people, we can ruminate the Choseon society in the 17th century which failed to establish an independent national history, and the issue of the Korean War captives in the modern history forgotten under the shade of the dustbin of history.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.361-384
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• 2010

This paper focused on studies of Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") written by Lee Ik, also known as his honored name, Seong Ho(星湖). Seong Ho(星湖) also had left 10 types of exegetical commentary other than Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書"). The reason for choosing Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") was that the teachings of Kongzi(孔子) were contained in Noneo("論語"). Also when we understand the Analects of Kongzi(孔子) correctly, we will be able to understand other Confucian Canons accordingly. Seong Ho(星湖) recommended Zhuzi(朱子) pronounced Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") as a critical commentary on the Analects. That is because there are no writings that had considered pupils' opinions and all of the various situations as much as Noneo Jipju ("論語集註"). For this reason, Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") could play a role as an excellent text. However, it is not just quality of the book that matters. While reading the main body, there is an author's comment, saying "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." With this short note, the author expressed that "Collected Annotation on the Analects" was not necessarily the best teaching. This is the consequence of 'doubt.' We should be skeptical about the Analects of Confucius. That is not to say that the Analects are unconditionally bad. Seong Ho(星湖) expounded that the beginning students should regard Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") as their textbook, but do not cling only to the disciplines elucidated in the book. Seong Ho(星湖) had written Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") in order to help people to understand Confucius correctly. Although this book was written during his early professional years, Seong Ho(星湖) had grasped the essence of teaching precisely. Then, what is the essence? That is 'Doubt.' Innate factors therein can be correctly understood through 'Doubt.' In this context, Seong Ho(星湖) had made such comment as "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." To understand the opinions of Confucius correctly, this process that being doubtful about the text is necessary. The Analects of Confucius are just similar to a coded message. To know accurately about the code, it is necessary to start from 'Doubt' at the first. Such a "Doubt" shall be a key to decrypt the coded messages further.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.265-291
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• 2014

Cheongeumrok is the journal of Gwonwoo(卷宇) Hong Chan-yu(1915-2005) during the period of January 9, 1969~January 14, 1982. He was personally involved in the foundation of a corporation called Yudohoi and also all of its operation, which makes him the most knowledgeable person about its history. His Cheongeumrok thus seems worthy enough as a proper material to arrange its history. Cheongeumrok consists of total 19 books, amounting to approximately 3,300 pieces of squared manuscript paper containing 200 letters per piece. He wrote it in Chinese and sometimes followed the Hangul-style word order while writing in Chinese. Many parts of the manuscript were written in a cursive hand with many Chinese poems embedded throughout it. The manuscript offers major information related to the corporation Yudohoi extracted from his journal. 1. There was a meeting of promoters to commemorate the foundation of the corporation in November, 1968, and it was in January, 1969 that it was established after getting a permit from the Ministry of Culture and Communication in January, 1969(Permit No. of Ministry of Culture and Communication: Da(다)-2-3(Jongmu(宗務)1732.5)). 2. Its office was moved from the original location of the 3rd floor of Wonnam Building, 133-1 Wonnam-dong, Jongro-gu, Seoul(currently Daekhak Pharmacy in front of Seoul National University Hospital) to Room 388 of Gwangjang Company, 4 Yeji-dong, Jongro-gu(office of Heungsan Social Gathering) and to second floor of KyungBo building, 21 Kyansu-dong, and to 3rd floor of Geongguk Building in Gyeongwoon-dong. 3. Its operational costs were covered by the supports of Seong Sang-yeong, the eldest son of Seong Jong-ho, the chairman of the board, later Kim Won-tae and Gwon Tae-hun, next chairmen of the board, and Hong Chan-yun, a director, since 1979. 4. His Confucian activities include participating in Seonggyungwan Seokjeonje (成均館 釋奠), joining in the erection of the Parijangseo(巴里長書) Monument and the publication of its commemorative poetry book, compiling the biographies(not completed) of Confucian patriotic martyrs for independence, and participating in the establishment of family rituals and regulations as a practice member. 5. His Yudohoi had a dispute with Seonggyungwan and lost a suit at the High Court in July, 1975 and Supreme Court in February, 1976. 6. There were discussions about its unification with Seonggyungwan Yudohoi, but there was hardly any progress. 7. Yudohoi started to provide full-scale courses on Confucian and Chinese classics under the leadership of Director Hong Chan-yu in 1979, and they have continued on today. Its courses for scholarship students including those for common citizens boast a history of 29 years and 220 graduates.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.283-317
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• 2017

Issues over morality and profit usually address relations between moral principles and material gains. In the history of traditional Oriental philosophy, discussions about them were called "Yi-Li zhi bian." The ideas of Confucius and Mencius also contain various discussions about Yi-Li. Both Confucius and Mencius defined Yi as a value concept to represent "natural," "appropriate" or "just" and regarded Yi as an external moral principle on the one hand and an internal moral emotion on the other hand. They had, at the same time, differences, as well. While Confucius placed importance on the external and acquired nature of Yi as a goal of morality, Mencius argued for the internal and innate nature of Yi as the nature of morality partially while recognizing its externality overall. Such Yi is a general term for subjective moral emotions and objective moral principles. Li was a concept of fact to represent "gain," "profit" or "profit-making." Both of them were against private interest and emphasized public interest. As for their differences, Confucius was positive about Li to some degree by saying "One should think of Yi when making profit," whereas Mencius was almost negative about Li and perceived it to be for Yi by saying "One should give up even his own life for Yi." He meant Li's dependence on Yi and also Yi's absoluteness for Ri. Both of them found a mix of opposite features in Yi such as internality and externality, subjectivity and objectivity, specificity and generality, and uniqueness and universality and also in Li such as individuality and specialty and public and private interest. Those features have both disadvantages including theoretical irrationality and logical contradiction and advantages including ideological diversity and conceptual polysemy. If efforts are made to avoid their disadvantages and highlight their advantages, they will provide some elements to consult in the creation of new global ethics required today when East and West are becoming one. In the modern society, the Yi-Li issues can be divided into the issues of morality and economy, personal and social profit, and moral ideal and material gain. If these modern Yi-Li issues are combined with the traditional Yi-Li issues, two paths will emerge over the order of Yi-Li. Of the many perceptions of Yi-Li issues of Confucius and Mencius, the idea of "Yi First, Li Later" can be very useful for creating a new ethics theory to represent "humanism" that we all need today when everyone considers their own pursuit of profit and satisfaction of needs as the best values. Sound Yi-Li relations will be possible only through Yi's orientation toward externality based on internality and Li's pursuit of private interest on the premise of public interest according to the spirit of "Yi First, Li Later."

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.7-35
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• 2010

Jang Hyungang(張顯光, 1554~1570) was one of the very famous Neo-Confucianists of T'oegye School in the Chosun dynasty. Jang, nevertheless, refused to accept Toegye's theory and had developed his own theory called li-qi-gyeong-wi-seol(理氣經緯說). So the theory was very unique in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism. He matained that Tao(道), meaning the universal process which all beings including the human must follow, is accomplished by the unity of li(理, principle) and qi(ch'i, 氣, material force). He compared li and qi to warp(經) and woof(緯). According to his explanation, Tao is fulfilled by combining li and qi, as a textile is woven the combination of warps and woofs. He could, for I know, succeed to emphasize the unity of li and qii through this theory. Lots of Scholars in the Chosun dynasty criticized Jang's theory of li and qi for regarding li and qi as one, and thought that the theory originated from Luo Ch'inshun(羅欽順, 1465~1547), a famous Neo-Confucianist of in Early Ming China. Luo Ch'inshun maintained li-qi metaphysical monism that li and qi is united entity. In this respect, it seems that Jang's theory is similar to Luo's. However, I think that there are very important differences between the two. It is true that the main characteristics of Jang's theory is the unified relations between li and qi in this world. In the system of his philosophy, nevertheless, the topological position of li and qi are different in grade each other. Jang insisted that li is a supreme being to be materialized and realized through the movement of qi'in the process of universal development. Qi is accordingly only a kind of matter which completes li. In this sense, Jang's theory can be regarded as li metaphysical monism that li is the only substance. It means that Jang Hyeongwang's theory is a great contrast to Luo Ch'inshun's li-qi metaphysical monism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.345-378
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• 2017

In the scriptures of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the expression method of '$Ch{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng-zh{\bar{e}}ng-yu{\grave{e}}$(春王正月 : It's spring. It's the first month regulated by the king.)' was used as Jì-yuè-fǎ(紀月法 : the rules to determine the first month(正月)), the month of winter solstice was regarded as the first month of a year, and three years since then were named as $Ch{\bar{u}}n$(春 : spring). With regard to this "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"Wáng-lì("春秋"王曆 : the calendar regulated by the king of $Zh{\bar{o}}u$(周) dynasty in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$"), depending on whether Confucius(孔子) changed and recorded the names of the months and the season or not, there were three different arguments; the theory that 'Confucius changed the names of both the months and the season'(孔子改月 改時說), the view that 'Confucius changed the name of the season, not the names of the months'(孔子不改月 改時說), and then the theory that 'Confucius changed neither the names of the months nor the name of the season'(孔子不改月 不改時) since Song(宋) dynasty. The first view was taken by $Hh{\acute{u}}-{\bar{a}}n-gu{\acute{o}}$(胡安國) and $C{\grave{a}}i-ch{\acute{e}}n$(蔡沈), and the second theory was mentioned by Chéng-yí(程?) and Zhū-zǐ(朱子). The advocates of the third view had become remarkable since Ming(明) dynasty, and one of representatives was Wàng-yáng-míng(王陽明). All of them based their arguments on ancient scriptures and Confucian legal books, and there were cases of taking the same records as the support for different opinions. Confucius' so-called 'Chūn-qiū-bǐ-fǎ(春秋筆法 : the method to describe historical facts by making clear discrimination between right and wrong)' and '$Sh{\grave{u}}-{\acute{e}}r-b{\grave{u}}-zu{\grave{o}}$(述而不作 : the attitude to succeed virtuous men's achievements and only explain and describe them not creating and adding new contents)' could come from thoughts of $Z{\bar{u}}n-w{\acute{a}}ng$(尊王 : to respect the king with the virtues of benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and sincerity). Therefore, even though Confucius is assumed to have been the writer of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", whether he actually changed and recorded the names of the months and the season in the calendar used in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" is doubtful. These theories on Confucius's intervention in the calendar of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$" hadn't been discussed as conflicting in reality until Tang(唐) dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.195-230
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• 2017

This study combined Youth Panel Data(2009~2014) to analyze youth employees' turnover determinants by business scale and wage effects and the results are as follows: First, the turnover rate of youth employees was analyzed and as a result, the average turnover rate in 2014 was 26.3% and was found to be small company 25.6%, medium-sized company 25.1%, large company 17.2% in terms of business scale (based on regular permanent position), showing that the larger the company size, the lower the turnover rate. Second, turnover reasons of youth employees were found to be dissatisfaction with working conditions 40.3%, job mismatch 39.2%, personal reasons 11.8% in order and turnover by job mismatch was higher in large companies (41.5%) than in small and medium enterprises (38.5%). Third, job satisfaction and job-major agreement depending on the status of turnover were analyzed and as a result, the lower the job satisfaction and job-major agreement, the higher the turnover rate in all areas. Fourth, scale turnover determinants by business scale were analyzed through panel regression analysis and as a result, variables significantly affecting turnover were analyzed to affect objective working conditions such as wage and employment type and job satisfaction and 'job-level of education skill level major'agreement variables to lower the turnover rate as well. Fifth, wage effects depending on the status of turnover were estimated and as a result, the wage level of youth employees who changed their job was lower than that of youth employees working in the same company by about 3.1% and this wage gap was further expanded over time. But, turnover of changing employment type(temporary position${\rightarrow}$regular permanent position) and company size (small and medium enterprise${\rightarrow}$large company) was not the case. Therefore, in order to reduce the turnover rate of youth employees, it is necessary to increase overall job satisfaction and job-major agreement with objective working conditions and working in the same company for a long period of time rather than changing jobs frequently can be said to be rational choice in terms of youth employees.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.195-223
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• 2012

Until now, I guess, many scholars misunderstood the characteristic of economic awareness of Yi Hang-no as if it was a modern nationalism or radicalism against Japanese anti-Korean insistences. But I think these opinions are out of historical attitude. So to understand Yi's economic awareness correctly, I think, We should focus on the traditional Confucian thought system at that time. As one method to reach the goal, I focused on the word, Jeong-jeon-je: Oriental equal land system. Yi Hang-no put the importance on Jeong-jeon-je to make utopia he dreamed of. Yi thought Jeong-jeon-je is the basis of equal society and strong state. Also Yi thought a moral society would be achieved by Jeong-jeon-je because the equal land system, so called Jeong-jeon-je provide peasants with equal lands, so it makes peasants stable in economic situation. Especially, Yi Hang-no put importance on that Jeong-jeon-je would raise moral consciousness of people because equal economic condition makes people wealthy, so people would be good men naturally. Yi Hang-no explain it in basis of Insim-Dosim-seol: a theory of two minds bad & good to be. Yi Hang-no thought equal economic condition is the basis of making people moral being. He thought Jeong-jeon-je was a basis of the condition. Reversely, Yi thought Western insists of trade was the beginning of making people fight for individual benefit, so it produces devil selfishness out of human mind. That was the reason that Yi Hang-no opposed the trade with Western Powers. Eventually Yi's assertion of embargo came out of his Insim-Dosim-seol. In this context, Yi's Jeong-jeon-je was insisted as a method to raise human moral consciousness.