• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.222-241
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• 2012

Analysis research was conducted on the 'Chosen Ilbo,' 'Donga Ilbo,' 'Hankyoreh' and 'Kyunghyang Newspaper' on news reporting frame and sources regarding the North Korean population's living and status of their respective conditions throughout South Korean administrations of Kim Dae-jung, Roh Mu-hyuen, and Lee Myung-Bak. Resulting first and second frame analyses showed that the four newspapers showed clear distinctions in their execution and attitude in their reports in accordance to the philosophies of each 'progressive/left-wing newspapers' and 'conservative/right-wing newspapers'. Moreover, the first and second analyses showed that the reports mimicked each individual presidential administration and their political policy regardless of the newspaper's political voice. In terms of the usage of 'anonymous sources,' conservative newspapers were found to use them more frequently than their counterpart, the liberal newspapers. In conclusion to the overall analyses, with the continued tension between the International community and North Korea, the reports of North Korean inhabitant activities are inevitably portrayed in a negative tone in effort to plant a distorted view to the South Korean citizens. Furthermore, this manipulation of the press may affect the credibility of South Korean press in terms of the topic of North Korean culture.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.3-35
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• 2009

We have innovated the records management since 2004. So, We innovated the electronic records management, transparency, and accountability. From these results, we could mark a turning point to plant the democratic values in the government It is very surprising, but it is fact that there are the estrangement between the high level institutionalization and low level records cultural soil. But after starting new government, things have been going backward. We have experienced the hyper-politicized problem, shrinking governance problem, regressive personnel policies in the National Archives of Korea. 'New Innovation Model' has resulted the shrinking democratic values, and the growing the bureaucratism. At this point of change, it will be meaningful to review the future of records management. First, we should make the more archives to realize the self-control decentralization model. It means that all local governments has the duty to build the archives, and to operate it with a principle of autonomy. Second, We should start the culture movement to build the more archives, the small archives in private sector. Archives are necessary in the NGO, Universities, firms, art, media, etc. And the small archives are necessary in the various communities, which enhance the rights of minority. All these will spread the democratic values in our society. Third, right democracy system should be operated for the political neutrality, independency. This problem is not prohibited within the national archives innovation model. So, we should transfer the powers of government to local government, and we should re-innovate the National Archives Committee will have the role to make the important records management policies. In short, Unless going to forward with the more democratic values, it would go backward 'records management without democracy'.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.37-76
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• 2009

This paper aims-through comparative research on two organizations and use of political process theory-to analyze the historical development of, current issues related to and the characteristics of the new transformation of the Freedom of Information Movements (FOIMs) in South Korea. In the ten years since the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) took effect in 1998, Korean FOIMs have developed along the following course: 'emergence' (1998), 'expansion and extension' (1999-2004), 'institutionalization and retro-institutionalization-' (2005-2008). Specifically, in the early stage of FOIMs, the Freedom of Information (FOI) department of the People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy, established in 1998, had led the FOI movement by initiating reform of the FOI institution and advocating an end to old practices. Paradoxically, however, following the institutional progress of FOI under the Roh Moo Hyun government, the vitality of FOIMs seemed to be weakening. And under the Lee Myung Bak government, which is showing regression in both the FOI institution and practices, the 'dual transformation' of the FOIMs is being led not by old groups but by new ones. The Center for Freedom of Information and Transparent Society(CFOI), which was founded in 2008, has journalists, researchers of archival studies, citizens, lawyers and nongovernmental activists as members. Through its blog style Homepage, countless reports are becoming "open to the public" and "share with the public." And its various civic education programs are interactive bridges which enable mutual communication between the Center and citizens. CFOI is expanding the FOI movement in different ways than the traditional activists such as the FOI department of the PSPD department, which worked through methods such as policy proposals, disclosing information litigation, comments and public statements, and hosting forums. CFOI is leading the 'dual process of transformation' of FOIMs, namely the transformation from an 'advocacy' movement to an 'empowerment' movement and transformation of the FOI movement's framework from "open to the public" to "share with the public."

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.138-147
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• 2020

The construction field is one of the most representative job creation businesses, but it has been pointed out that the overall quality of the jobs is low because of the nature of the order-made production industry, such as unstable employment structure, aging workforce, etc.. Accordingly, the government plans to implement the "prevailing wage system" that guarantees a minimum wage for construction site workers. In reality, however, only a market wage could be used for a construction cost estimation because there was no standard for the prevailing wage. A comparative analysis of the prevailing wage and market wage was performed. This paper proposes a framework for estimating the reasonable prevailing wage in the construction industry. The results showed that the prevailing wage was estimated to be 4.7% lower than the market wage when the proposed framework is applied to the carpenters' case. This suggests that the proposed model could be used as an alternative for market wage considering the original purpose of the prevailing wage. This study will construct the basic data for scientific analysis on the wage, and finally, help estimate the reliable prevailing wage in the future.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.29
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• pp.43-71
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• 2005

The study attempts to introduce 'Gotcha Journalism' to the Korea journalism, research and analyze it. Gotcha journalism is the journalistic reporting attitude that the journalists repeatedly and intensively reports public figures, especially politicians' mistakes or happening. 'Gotcha' is abbreviation of "I got you", frequently used in the English and American culture. In order to get the goal of this study, several journalists who are currently working for Chosun, Joongang, Dong-a, Hangyore, Kyunghyang and Seoul, national covering daily newspapers. In addition, the reporters who work for KBS, MBC, and SBS were Interviewed. All journalists who have been worked more than 5 years at the politic department were selected as interviewees. Thus, Intensive interviews are prime source of this study. Based the result of the research, gotcha journalism is externally derived from obsessive interest of Korean people to politics. Internally, it is easy to report happening or mistakes rather than big argument or ideological agenda of the politicians as news for journalists and to catch readers. In addition, the competition with advertising income accelerates this situation. And gotcha journalistic reporting behavior or attitude highly relates to political propensity of the newspapers or broadcastings. Especially some of the newspapers take gotcha journalism as a political struggling tool. It is appeared that another major cause for gotcha journalistic reporting behavior is customer-driven news production.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.38
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• pp.125-187
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• 2013

This essay would focus on a kinds of new archival strategy. The main frame has been the kinds of activities regulated by laws, or formal activities since 1999. In the case of presidential archives has no another frame. There had never kinds of presidential archives system until President Noh, if anything. It means that the frame has some important points. Although it is, we have to say about the limits of the frame. This essay show 'metaphor frame' for archival system. I think that we have to guess there are methodologies below the two frames. One is quantitative study methodology, and another is qualitative research methodology. The later focuses on the experiences for making narratives. We have to know that this methodology is out of fashioned in the field of history department and cultural anthropology department for the purpose of alternative studies. This essay says about 'archival field description' and 'narrative records' for the new records in archival field. I have to say about that we needs to discuss about kinds of new archival discours. And to conclude, we should manage the records in culture.