• Proceedings of the Korean Professional Engineer Association Conference
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• 1992.12a
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• pp.143-150
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• 1992

“The Japan Sea Rim Nations” is not one that was formed under a specific idea, as in the case of the European Community, in the respect of politics, economy and culture. At present, in particular after the Cold War, Japan has extended exchange on regional and private levels with the countries located on the other side of the Japan Sea from the first stages of friendship to economic relationships. In the future, it is necessary to promote the establishment of an international exchange network and traffic system for each of the traffic facilities in order to build up the Block that will mainly contribute to the economies of countries and regions in the area. For that purpose, it Is fundamental to reexamine the national land planning and the local development planning of each of the countries. From the standpoint of technology, the issues to be looked into are : study and development on marine civil engineering such as structures over straits : study and development on the construction engineering of express ways and express rail roads : development of vehiclessuch as cars and trains ; I propose approaches to my vision of these traffic systems from my standpoint as an engineer in this paper.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.223-254
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• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.101-110
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• 2020

Since the third inter-Korean summit, the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang and the U.S.-North Korea summit in Singapore and Hanoi, denuclearization negotiations are under way that will determine the fate of the Korean Peninsula. However, the negotiations are stalled and some skepticism is expected due to the conflicting U.S.-North Korea stance over the terms of denuclearization. The reason why it is difficult to realize the complete denuclearization of North Korea is that there are a variety of variables such as the traditional security dilemma in Northeast Asia, the hegemonic competition between the U.S. and China, and the formation of a new cold-war system. At a turning point when three inter-Korean summits and three U.S.-North Korea summits were held in the wake of the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, North Korea's complete denuclearization has become a must-do historical task for Northeast Asia and world peace beyond the Korean Peninsula. In this sense, the inter-Korean summit in Pyongyang is seen as a historic occasion for presenting a new milestone for the denuclearization of North Korea and the development of inter-Korean relations through the 9.19 Pyongyang Joint Declaration and the Military Agreement. Meanwhile, Constructivism, which has become the main paradigm of international political theory, presents the view that ideological variables such as ideology, history and culture define material factors, identity and interests of state actors, and that the structure of international relations can be changed through interaction. In this study, the historical meaning of the 9.19 Pyongyang Declaration, which is now past its first anniversary, was considered from a constructivist perspective. To this end, the development process of constructivism theory and analysis model and the development process of inter-Korean relations were briefly reviewed, and the military implications of the 9.19 Military Agreement were presented.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.85-114
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to analyze Russia-Central Asia relations since the launch of the EAEU in 2015 and forecast the future from a structural realism perspective. Bilateral relations have both elements of close cooperation and elements of conflict. Russia and Central Asia, which have the characteristics of an authoritarian alliance, also have a symbiotic relationship in which they have no choice but to cooperate with each other to maintain the regime. Based on this, Russia has made various efforts to reunify Central Asia. Central Asia also has no choice but to cooperate with Russia for its survival, but at the same time, it has expanded its scope of cooperation in the international community to avoid being subjugated to Russia again. However, as China's power expands, Russia's relative weakness, and wariness toward Russia increases after the Ukraine War, the gap in bilateral relations is widening. In particular, as China's influence grows, Russia's nervousness also increases. This is why Putin visits Central Asia and holds active summit talks even during the war in Ukraine. If competition between Russia and China surfaces, there is a high possibility that the international order in Central Asia will become unstable. However, it is still unlikely that the power of Russia and China will reverse in Central Asia. Above all, the security, historical, and cultural connections between Russia and Central Asia are areas that are difficult for China to catch up with. Therefore, a weakening of Russia's influence compared to the past is inevitable, but its superiority is expected to continue. If Russia breaks away from belligerence and transforms into an attractive cooperative partner, there is a possibility that bilateral relations will take an upward turn again. However, it seems unlikely that such changes and innovations will occur under the Putin regime. Therefore, the biggest obstacle to realizing Putin's goal of reunifying Central Asia is Putin himself.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.89-123
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• 1996

The world has moved from the Cold War between the east and the west and moved toward the age without idealogy. It places emphasis on economic benefit and welfare of its own nation as its main point With this world trend, in order to sam the competitiveness and the reconciliation of the divided nation the north and the south Korea should be united. Once the north and the south are united, information society will be altered with the huge flow of the civilization. At the same time, the issue of how to operate library policies and system, in which effective acquisition, manipulation, accumulation, and dissemination of information un would be very important. From this point of view, the following conclusions are obtained in this study. Firstly, when building a national library preparing for the national unification. it is essential to introduce 1) the concept of policy and system for information society and 2) that of policy and system which has national-culture as its focus. Secondly, it is essential to prepare the cooperative-structure between libraries prior to the national unification. This kind of cooperation should gradually expand to an extent that allows actual benefits such as building union catalog, inter-library loan system, resource sharing, standardized cataloging rules, and exchange of dissertation... etc. Thirdly, developing the library policies and systems for the national unification must be based on the concept of the mutual cooperation as inter-dependent model rather than on the concept of the incorporation-absorption as a dominant model. The next point the principles of the followings in preparing the library policies should be considered: 1) free-competition, 2) revolution of consciousness through the social education, 3) independence and love for humanity, 4) scientific or reasonable thinking, 5) job responsibility, 6) democratic citizenship, 7) mind far collective life, 8) spirit of public interest 9) globalization In addition, the model of the library systems preparing for thenational unification should include the followings : 1) uniformity of library system and its authority, 2) establishment of research institutes for library policy and system, 3) exchange of library establishment and information resources, 4) building library networks, 5) establishment of education systems for the library and information science and enhancement of its quality, 6) modernizing and developing information technology and its transfer. Finally, the libraries in the north and the south has different concepts, goals, information resources, and the different ways of using them. Considering the practical aspects of the libraries and the reasons for their existence, they must structure the mutual cooperative system so as to minimize the shock when confronting the social changes, so-called the national unification.