• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.78
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• pp.35-78
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• 2016

This study pays attention to the assumption that the governance including the appointment of CEO is a key factor in the internal colonialism of local broadcasting. To evaluate the tendencies, it collects and analyzes the profile of CEOs, directors, and shareholders of the 17 regional affiliates of MBC and 9 local commercial broadcasting companies between the early and mid-1990s and 2015. It also discusses the local broadcasting personnel and its operations. By doing so, the study attempts to reveal how the internal colonialism of local broadcasting works. It finds out that the governance of regional broadcasters of MBC is controlled by the head office located in Seoul. At the same time, the governance of local commercial broadcasters is encroached by the tyrannical practices of major shareholders caused by the non-separation of ownership and management. These kinds of abnormal management of governance tend to constrain the investment on personnel and production. Finally, this study suggests some desirable directions of governance focusing on the appointment of CEO in terms of both legislative system and self-regulation. They include establishing a new proviso for programming protocols in local broadcasting, introducing a CEO & non-executive director nomination committee, and so forth.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.3 s.114
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• pp.301-318
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• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to study on colonial modernity of commercial space in the case of commercial companies in Kyungsung(Seoul) during Japanese colonial period. Commercial companies in Bonjung2jungmok had the greatest growth in the numbers and the scale of company's capital from 1920s to 1930s. Japanese's commercial companies had concentrated in Bonjung1jungmok and the scale of Japanese's capital had been the greatest in Hwanggumjung2jungmok. Korean merchants had tried to change their commercial organization to modern and capitalistic system in the face of infiltration of Japanese merchant capital in Kyungsung. They had established some modern stock companies and had managed a few companies of large capital such as Hwasbinyeonshejum(a multiple shop) in Jongro2jungmok. We may observe the modernity of commercial companies in some modern stock commercial companies and the activities of commercial merchants in Kyungsung. But Korean's commercial companies had been small-scale businesses in comparison with Japanese's commercial companies. Colonialism in commercial space in Kyungsung had been appeared doubly in ethnical segregation of commercial activities and the scale of commercial capital.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.291-311
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• 2005

The great estate system of the Old World crossed the Atlantic Ocean in the 1500s along with the Spanish Royal Army, mission, merchants, crops and domestic arrivals, landing at the end of the journey in the Middle and South Americas. The latifundio of Spain's Middle Age combined with the environment of the New World to be regenerated in the name of hacienda which bad became tightly roared in the countryside landscape of New Spain by fin-de-colonial period of 1820s. The haciendas were distributed mainly over the central part of the present-dey Mexico, and the presence of water and towns determined the specific location of the large landed estates. Depending on the activities performed, the hacienda can be divided into several types such as grain hacienda, livestock hacienda, mining hacienda, henequen hacienda, and so forth. Consisting of landlords, estate managers and waged labor called peons, the hacienda as a semi-autarkic settlement played various roles as the home of church, the agrarian center and the hearth of cultural diffusion, as well as dwelling. Toward the end of the colonial period the hacienda experienced internal transformations driven by capitalism.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.1-52
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• 2017

This study aims to compare the state building process focusing on the founding presidents of South Korea, which was a colony of the defeated state of World War II and the Philippines, the colony of the victorious state. To this end, it compares the lives of the presidents, mainly the founding president of Korea Syngman Rhee and Manuel Quezon who led the autonomy of the Philippines and established the Commonwealth government, in the contexts of the state building process of the two countries. In each country, the leaders had to address the core tasks for founding the states in common. Firstly, after the independence or the acquisition of state autonomy, both countries adopted a constitution based on the presidential system with the strong authority of the presidents influenced by the United States. Secondly, the two countries after the independence were operated on the basis of anti-communism at the forefront of the Cold War. In addition, they also carried out land reform to bring the peasants into the system for supporting anti-communism. Lastly, the two countries also faced the same issues of liquidating the Japanese colonial legacies. Therefore the study examines the establishment of the constitution, settlement of anti-communism line, the land reform issues, and liquidation of Japanese colonialism or occupation in each country. The Philippines attained 'constitutional independence' in 1935 and experienced political development faster than any other post-colonial country in Asia. However, except for the establishment of the constitution, the early leaders were not able to address the principal issues for state building. As land reform failed, landowners became economically and politically dominant. The Philippines, where the modern citizen class has not arisen suffered from the political and economic recession. In Korea, despite the Korean War and division of the country, the founding president Syngman Rhee attempted to solve the tasks. As a result, he was able to lay the track of liberal democracy against communism and also settled Japanese colonial legacy as much as it was allowed. In particular, through land reform, he has laid the basis for the nation-state and economic development and has set up the girders of Korean economy by adopting the market economy system. Although there are merits and demerits, compared with the leaders of other countries especially with the Philippines, it is no doubt that Syngman Rhee has played an essential role in establishing the state as a founding president.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.121-129
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• 2013

It is the fact that Korean police has not focused on establishing identity but focused on establishing system due to the war under the confused situation which accepted police system of continental law in the period of Japanese Colony and then accepted the police system when being governed by USA. Afterward, as political, economic, and social atmospheres outside became stable, police identity, the philosophy of police activity through internal introspection in order to orient police activity in modern society, is needed. However, most of approaches for establishing police identity have focused on phased measurement by emphasizing to find major variables. Such identity of police organization through certain measurement study could not only carry out replication but also showed its limit to internalize ideal identity. Therefore, this study analyzed the reflectivity of police activity according to how it depends on certain means and depending means as a recognition to internalize the identity in order to discuss the formation of necessity and approach in establishing police identity, and suggested its results.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.55-91
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• 2021

This article dealing with the political participation of Argentine Conservative Protestants tried to examine the effect of such political participation on democratic values and order. To this end, it focused on the subject of religious equality and freedom, and issues of same-sex marriage and sex education. First, the demands of the Protestants, who insisted on the equal treatment of all religions by correcting the religious discrimination policies, a legacy of the colonial era and the military regime, are very natural and self-evident, when we presuppose the value of a democratic society based on political equality and human rights. It can be said that it has contributed to the democratization of society by aiming to solve the old problems of society. But when it comes to same-sex marriage and sex education, things are quite different. Without considering the social situations of the socially disadvantaged or minorities, or the legislative purpose of defending their rights, they insist on only their teachings of scriptures or ethics, even within Protestantism, there is a disagreement on interpretation. These theocratic views and exclusivist attitudes can seriously infringe on the human rights or freedoms of people of different religions, or different choices about marriage or sexuality, among other things. It can be a serious threat to democratic order and values.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.349-392
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• 2019

In the 1960s of Korea, the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan led to a sense of a vigorous anxiety and fear that "Japan will once again come to the Korean peninsula". As a reaction to this, the discourse on the criticism of 'Japanese Style' strongly emerged. If the prior discourse of criticism was to express the national antipathy toward the colonial remnants that had not yet been disposed of, the critical discourse of the 1960s was the wariness of the newly created 'Japanese Style' in popular culture, and to grasp it as a symptomatic phenomenon that 'evil-minded Japan' was revealed. Thus, this new logic of criticism of the 'Japanese Style' had a qualitative difference from the existing ones. It was accompanied by a willingness to inspect and censor the 'masses' that grew up as consumers of transnational 'mass culture' that flowed and chained in the geopolitical order under the Cold War system. Therefore, the topology of 'popular things=Japanese things=consuming things' reveals the paradox of moral demands that existed within Korean society in the 1960s. This was to solidify the divisive circulation structure that caused them to avoid direct contact with the other called 'Japan', but at the same time, get as close to it as ever. It is a repetitive obsession that pushes the other to another side through the moral segregation that strictly draws a line of demarcation between oneself and the other, but on the other hand is attracted to the object and pulls it back to its side. This paper intends to listen to the different voices that have arisen in the repetitive obsession to understand the significance of the dissonance that has been repeated in the contemporary era. This will be an examination of the paradoxical object of Japan that has been repeatedly asked to build the internal control principle of Korean society, or to hide the oppressive and violent side of the power, and that can neither be accepted nor destroyed completely as part of oneself.