• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.73-87
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to investigate the economic deprivation of male-headed or female-headed households. Household having children under the age of 18 are categorized into three types according to the gender of household head: male-headed household, female-headed household, and dual-parents household. The findings from data, for this study came from the Korean Labor Panel Study in 2003. The analysis shows that the household's age, education, residence types, etc are key explanatory variables in determining whether to be in poverty. While the public income transfer is most effective in reducing poverty in female-headed households, the private income source is relatively more useful among male-headed families. Since single-household families are particularly at risk, public policy makers should pay special attentions to developing and expanding welfare-to-work programs which provides work incentives to overcome relative poverty and community networks on child care.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.93-114
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• 2014

This study aims to investigate the levels of assets and debts that male- and female-headed households have in comparison to married-couple households. Toward this end, a series of analyses of data from the 2011 Korean Household Finance Survey on the assets and debts of single-parent households are conducted. The empirical results reveal that the amounts of assets and net worth of married-couple households were significantly larger than those of male- and female-headed households. A comparison between male- and female-headed households show that the latter were more likely to hold financial assets such as savings accounts, savings insurance and mutual funds. The amounts of assets of female-headed households were significantly larger than those of male-headed households. Furthermore, the amount of credit card debt in mele-headed households was significantly larger than that in female-headed households.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.99-109
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• 2014

One-parent family is increasing in Korea, changing its forms and identity. One-parent family policy policy should be established in terms of gender analysis, as men-headed family and women-headed family are in the very different situation regarding social status of gender. One-parent family policy needs gender-sensitive perspectives and also should be closely linked with child welfare policy and post-poverty strategies. This paper suggests distinguished situation of one-parent family by gender, and tries to explore specific ways of supporting one-parent family. Most of all, to set up the proper supporting system for one-parent family, the special needs and difficulties are analyzed by gender, which will lead towards the cohesive and holistic family policy.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.29 no.5
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• pp.121-140
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to understand how the economic conditions and needs of single-parent families are different between single-mother and single-father families, and also how they are dependent on household composition. The data for this study were drawn from the 1st Korea Welfare Panel Study and analyzed by frequencies, means, ${\chi}^2$, t-test, F-test, and logistic regression with the STATA 9.1 program. The major findings are as follows: (1) Single-parent families are more likely to live in a three-generation household than married couple families. (2) The composition of a three-generation household of single-parent families is affected by sex, age, education, type of marital disruption, the type of employment of single parents and the age of the last-born child. (3) The income-to-needs ratio is not significantly different depending on the sex of the single parents and their household composition. However, material hardship is significantly low in three-generation household single-parent families. (4) There are differences between three-generation single-parent families and independent single-parent families in income sources: The ratio of public transfer to total incomes is higher in three-generation households than independent households, while the ratio of private transfer to total incomes is higher in independent households.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.127-153
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• 2004

In the absence of a male provider the state must decide how far and under what conditions it will provide for the mother and her children. In the case of lone mothers, there are three main possible sources of income: the labour market, the absent father, and the state. However, the relative proportions of these three sources vary significantly from country to country as well as from individual to individual within the group of lone parents. Until very recently the UK has been alone among countries of the EU in allowing lone parents to draw benefits without making themselves available for work so long as they have dependent children. However, in the 1990s, the UK government introduced major changes to his policies regarding lone parents. The UK government attempted to restrict the role of the state as a source of income for lone parent families. At the beginning of the 1990s, the emphasis in the UK was put on securing more money from 'absent fathers' to maintain. However, the policy was unsuccessful and by the mid-1990s attention to the only other possible source of income for lone parent families, the labour market, was stepped up, notwithstanding the ambivalence of politicians about the desirability of women with young children entering employment. From 1998 the Labour government introduced a series of reforms aimed at reducing both worklessness and poverty by raising welfare payments to families both in and out of work, improving financial incentives to work and introducing a more proactive welfare system. The results presented here suggest that these policies have raised the employment rates of lone parents by around 5 percentage points, or 80,000. These employment gains have come from a welfare reform package that does not require lone parents to search for jobs, or uses time limits in welfare programmes. In addition these gains have been achieved despite generous increases in welfare payments for lone parents who do not work. These earnings gains combined with the more generous welfare are making rapid progress in reducing lone parents' poverty.