• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.1-21
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to compare the estimates of housework time by gender using two representative methods of time use study: Time Diary and Stylized Survey Questionnaire. Our analysis is based on the data from the Lifetime Use Survey(2004), which used time-diary questions, and the Korean Labor & Income Panel Study(KLIPS 2004), which used stylized questions on housework hours. The results show that men over-report their housework time in the stylized time use questions. In contrast, women under-report their housework time, which is unusual in the previous studies on response errors and reporting gap. Subgroup analysis shows that widowed/divorced men tend to over-report their contribution to housework more than other groups whereas among women, groups burdened with employed work, caring and housework underestimate their housework time. This reporting gap is explained by gendered norm and perception of time pressure. The theory to explain under-reporting of the housework time has been undeveloped in the previous studies. Our study suggests that perceptions of time pressure be an important factor to explain women's reporting gap of housework estimates.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.51-72
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• 2005

The purpose of this article is to empirically testify three hypotheses on the relation between married women's employment and the allocation of unpaid domestic work within households - i.e., adaptive partnership (AP), dual burden (DB) and lagged adaptation (LA) models. The AP hypothesis assumes that, when wives are employed, husbands spend more time doing housework in order to compensate for their wives' increased responsibility. The DB model, by contrast, indicates that, even if married women are employed, their burden on domestic work does not decrease. In this case, therefore, the dual burden of married women can be expected. Between these two opposite views, the third, alternative hypothesis has been suggested recently. The LA model argues that the behaviours of households are adaptive to the changing environments but over a period of many years and even across generations. The article has analysed the total work time as well as unpaid domestic work time to testify these three hypotheses, utilising 1999 Time Use Survey data of the National Statistical Office. The research results can be summarised as follows. First, married working women worked 100 minutes more than their male spouses. Second, the average domestic work time of married men, 23-25 minutes per day, was no more than 5-10% of that of women. Third, the effects of age and women's employment were not statistically significant in multiple regression models, which means that the DB hypothesis explains the situation of married working women in Korea. Based on these findings, the article suggested the expansion of the public social service system to mitigate the dual burden of married working women, the introduction of compensatory credit for caring work, and the directions of further empirical research using the time use survey data.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.228-231
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• 1998

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.131-150
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• 1996

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-195
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• 1999

이 글은 '강력한 남성 부양자'국가로서 90년대 일본사회가 제시한 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책을 살펴보고 평가하는데 그 목적이 있다. 논의의 초점은 크게 3가지로 구분되는데 어머니로서는 보육정책을, 노동자로서는 노동정책을, 부인으로서는 사회보장 정책에 대한 논의가 그것이다. 보육정책의 경우 급격한 소자녀와 추세에 따라서 94년에 도입된 "엔젤 플랜"의 성격을 소개하였다. 노동정책은 99년 4월 실시된 개정 '노기법', 균등법', 휴업법' 내용을 다루었다. 정책내용에 담겨 있는 성이 여성의 규정방식을 평가하였다. 90년대 이후 지속되는 일본경제의 장기 불황 그리고 전세계적으로 도입되고 있는 신자유주의적 사조는, 90년대 이루어진 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책 개정의 효과를 반감시키는 요인으로 작용할 수 있다. 즉, 최근 개정된 일련의 여성노동력에 대한 사회적 보호정책의 기조는 '강력한 남성부양자' 국가인 일본사회의 남성 중심성을 수정 보완하기에는 역부족으로 보인다.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.4
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• pp.291-319
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• 2005

The purpose of the paper is to discuss the restructuring of the family policy from a gender-integrating perspective. Several meaningful conclusions were reached. First, examining family policy from the laborer's perspective, the issue of work and family becomes not a gender-related issue but rather an issue for universal people. Second, in order to include the difference in interest among men and women in the labor market, and to view the issue from a gender-integrating perspective, the framework for family policy should consider the place of labor. Third, if family policy is divided into family and labor arena based on the above mentioned framework, the core content of the policy should gear toward loosening and/or eliminating barriers to fulfill the right to work for pay and the right to care for family. Lastly, family policy should aim at men and women sharing the responsibility of supporting and caring for the family. By doing so, we may be closer to maintaining work and family together, the ultimate goal of family policy.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.115-158
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• 2017

This paper explores the relationship between working hours and the residual gender wage gap in Korea. Because the labor practice of working long hours in Korea favors men, who tend to spend little time on domestic labor, long working hours can influence the residual gender wage gap by discriminating against women. We analyze this discrimination empirically, and find the following results. First, the returns from working long hours are not high in most occupations in Korea. Second, working hours have a positive effect on the residual gender wage gap in male-dominated occupations, but not in female-dominated ones.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.453-474
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• 1998

This paper attempts to analyse the patriarchal characteristics of welfare states. Increasingly, debates on welfare states are explicitly focusing on the relationships between state, market and family. How these relationships are structured forms the core parts of the particular welfare states, that is they give shape to different welfare state regimes. Although welfare states have developed incresingly, there are some problems that sustain these states asymmetrical, unequal, even sexist. In this paper, I want to make these problems visible by the terms of gender division of labour, the model of male work and the changing characteristics of patriarchy. Firstly, from the feminist perspective, we can point the fact that the welfare states are structured by gender. Welfare states take it for granted that our socities are based on the assumption of gender division of labour, what is called male breadwinner/ female dependent. And the state takes this gendered family as the stereotype in our societies. Secondly, it is not sufficient condition for men and women to perform satisfactory life of work and family that welfare states provide childcare center on an extensive scale. This is because that our societies are runned by "the model of male work". Thirdly, we can find that the characteristics of patriarchy of welfare state are changing. These changes can be explained from the 'private patriarchy' to the 'public patriarchy', in other words, from the women's dependence to individual man to the dependence to the state/ public sectors. And also under these changes, we can find the potent possibilities for women to take economic activities and independent self-supports.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.87-108
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• 1999

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.14
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• pp.151-166
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• 1991