• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.172-195
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• 2019

Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

• Journal of Wetlands Research
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.398-409
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• 2018

Organic farming practices including loach based ecosystem-farming have been demonstrated to be effective in conjunction with rice farming to increase yield and quality. This new form of farming combines agriculture and fishery and is quickly developing into a new industry. The current study investigated the effect of rice-fish mixed farming system on the vegetation-diversity function. Vegetation within the four study sites was surveyed and analyzed based on plant taxonomy. The vegetation survey demonstrated that 127 taxa of 38 families, 100 genera, 107 species, and 20 varieties occurred within the study sites. A total of 15 plant species taxa occurred in the rice-fish mixed paddy fields with a fish habitat and did not occur in the conventional paddy field lacking fish habitat. This difference is thought to arise from differences in moisture requirements for vegetation. Life form analysis demonstrated differences in hemicryptophytes, therophytes, and hydrophytes according to fish habitat. The naturalized plants identified were also determined to be species widely distributed throughout Korea. Frequency analysis demonstrated that the rice-fish mixed paddy fields with a fish habitat had a high ratio of both obligate and facultative wetland plants relative to the conventional paddy field. Based on the study results, it is likely that vegetation-diversity will increase with environment diversity. However, no statistical significance was observed according to paddy types. Future research should aim to identify additional environmental factors, including the existence of fish habitat, habitat area, depth of fish habitat, hydrological parameters, water quality, and paddy soil environment, to enhance vegetation-diversity and biocultural diversity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.38-53
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• 2012

The transition process of the Balhae's capital system(都城制度) is a step-by-step marker of the completion of the state's governing system(支配體制). The most important subject in investigating the formation process of the capital of Balhae is Shanggyeongsheng(上京城). That's because Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) with a threefold-castle structure(三重城) of royal palace(宮城)-internal castle(內城)-external castle(外城) in the side-to-side checkerboard type symmetrical structure has the most paradigmatic castle structure not only in Balhae but also in East Asia. Despite the fact that such structure of Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) has a lot of similarities in the type with Sudangchangansheng(上京城) in Chungwon, scholars were skeptical that it had the same structure with Sudangchangansheng(上京城) at the time when transferring the capital. If we review the result of excavation of Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) and the findings of the senior scholars, it can be understood that Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) has not only the structure of Sudangchangansheng(上京城) but also accepted the principle of construction projected in it. It was confirmed that there is room for reconsideration on the theory of step-by-step construction(段階別築造) which was claimed based on the point that the construction like today's construction was impossible with the level of national power at that time in that the layers whose difference in construction time between the place No. 2, the central point of the royal palace, and the palaces No. 3~5 could be found were not identified, in that the whole Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) was planned by the same standard scale and finally in that there is a good possibility of accepting Samjoje(三朝制). The Shanggyeongsheng(上京城) is the result of the construction conducted by careful planning from the beginning, and with its close relation with the King Mun's(文王) policy of civilian government(文治), it shows that the governing system of the state was completed during the reign of King Mun. Therefore, the construction of the capital and the principle of construction(造營原理) projected in it are based on the premise that the Chungwon culture(中原文化) was being understood to a considerable level, and this means that the view of the world(天下觀) that he wanted to implement expanded throughout the whole Balhae.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.129-149
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• 2021

The purposes of this study were to examine the current status of the establishment of home economics-related departments in colleges and universities and the changes required in the home economics curriculum of secondary schools, and to structure the elective courses of home economics subject(group) that can be organized in the next high school curriculum. To achieve these purposes, related literature and data were analyzed, and a questionnaire survey and FGI were conducted by home economics experts. The research results are as follows. First, home economics was considered to be highly related not only to the human ecology but also to social sciences, education, engineering, and arts and physical education. The numbers of technical colleges and 4-year universities with departments related to home economics were 1,405 and 961 respectively in 2019. Therefore, it was confirmed that there is a sufficient basis for opening home economics subject(group) elective courses in high school. Second, in the secondary school home economics curriculum, the concepts of culture, relations, independence, and sustainability were emphasized based on the changing life patterns and values. It was proposed that the contents of the home economics course would be structured in a way that allows deep and high-level thinking and helps students to enjoy culture. This demand can be implemented by diversifying, specializing, and structuring the elective courses of the home economics subject(group). Third, a total of 18 elective subjects and subject outlines were structured in the fields of child/family, food/nutrition, clothing, housing, consumption/family management, and home economics integration. This study results will contribute to the establishment of the high school credit system by providing basic information for organizing the next home economics curriculum, and expanding the options for home economics subject(group) to high school students.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.9-41
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• 2020

Park Jong-won's debut film "Guro Arirang," based on a short story of the same title by Lee Moon-yeol, is the first commercial film to deal with labor struggles from a worker's point of view in the wake of the 1987 democratic movement, and a pioneering work in terms of representing female workers the Korean cinema has traditionally turned away from. In this film Park Jong-won tried to win the sympathy of the middle class for labor movement in spite of the red scare which still stood firm in the Korean society at that time. To convey its progressive message in a form acceptable to the middle class public, the film portrays labor issues in the light of universal humanity and ethics, not in terms of class hostility or struggle. Park Jong-won calls this point of view "common sense of normal people" and emphasizes its universality and objectivity. This study critically examines the cinematic strategies to deal with labor issues in a form acceptable to the public in a conventional and commercial film and the ideological implications of the "common sense of normal people" reflected in such strategies. The first chapter of the study reveals that the film destroys the irony of the original story and reduces the complex constellation of the characters to the conflict between pure good and evil, creating a melodramatic composition in which the good falls victim to evil. The tragedies suffered by the workers in the film are of course intended to arouse the audience's strong sympathy and solidarity with them. The second chapter shows that the film's various scenes and episodes converge on the them of compassion and grief, and are mostly based on cultural and real experiences and events that caused great public sensations at that time. Especially in the last decisive scene of the movie, the memory of the June 1987 uprising is strongly recalled. So "Guro Arirang" can be seen as a patchwork of proven cases of compassion and grief. The third chapter examines the implications of the scene where the workers turn back demands for wages and put the issues of human treatment and trust to the forefront at the crucial moment of their struggle. It appeals to universal moral values and sentiments that everyone has to acknowledge and removes the political dimension from the workers' campaign. While the film tends to become a pure story of humanity marginalizing irreconcilable conflicts of class interest, the workers fall to the position of passive victims who can be deeply sympathetic on the one hand, and on the other, are idealized as leaders with noble attitude keeping themselves aloof from the hard reality. As a result, the movie loses its realistic ground and weakens its narrative probability. The scenes reminiscent of the 1987 uprising which evoke the solidarity between working and middle class fail to integrate harmoniously into the whole story of the film and remain only as fragmentary parts of the patchwork of compassion and grief.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.196-209
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• 2022

This study compared and analyzed the spatial division function and role of partitions by comparing the entire space and the spatial changes before and after the installation of partitions in <Donggwoldo>, which was manufactured in the late Joseon Dynasty. As a research method, a set standard was prepared to decompose the space of <Donggwoldo> into a unit space, and the standard was set according to the role and height of the space by classifying it into a main space, sub space, and transition space. Two convex maps were prepared according to before and after the installation of the Panjang, and the values of connectivity, control, and integration, which are spatial syntax variables, were calculated and analyzed. The results of the study are as follows. First, the partition in <Donggwoldo(東闕圖)> did not affect the overall spatial arrangement and control or connection of Donggwol, but the movement and access of space is limited to specific areas. Second, the partition was a facility intensively distributed in Naejeon(內殿) and Donggung(東宮) to be used actively in the way of space utilization. It shows that the unit space increased rapidly due to the installation of the partition. Since the partition was installed in the spaces that were open and under high control in the case of Naejeon(內殿), it helped to secure private spaces as closed ones under low control. On the other hand, for Donggung(東宮), the spaces were compartmented and divided with the partition to guide the movement path through narrow gates of the partition and increase the depth of the space. This helped to create spaces that are free and can be hidden as it increased the number of spaces coming through. Third, In addition to the functions of "eye blocking, space division, and movement path control" revealed in prior research, the partition has created a "space that is easy to control" within a specific area. The installation of the partition reduced the scale through the separation of spaces, but it occurred the expansion of the movement path and space. Also, the partition functioned to strengthen hiding and closure or increase openness as well through space division. This study is significant in that it revealed the value of the spatial control function of panjang through the analysis of spatial control and depth by analyzing the function of the partition with a mathematical model in addition to the analysis and study of the function and role of panjang. In addition, it is valuable in that it has prepared a framework for analysis tools that can be applied to traditional residential complexes similar to palaces by applying space syntax to <Donggungdo> to create convex spaces according to unit space division and connection types of palace architecture and landscape elements.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.242-275
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• 2022

This study tries to reveal the structure of the "Kisun"(senior envoy ship) taken by senior envoys for the 10^th to 12^th visits to Japan from the perspective of professional shipbuilding engineering focusing on the theory of the ship in the travel logs of royal envoys to Japan (Sahaengrok) written by Joseon Tongsinsa that includes 12 visits to Japan for about 200 years from 1607 to 1811. The results of the study showed that the size of Kisun for the 10^th to 12^th envoy visits was 19 Pa (把) and a half in length and 6 Pa (把) and 2 Cheok (尺) in width. The height of the Sampan was found to be 2 Pa (把) and 1 Cheok (尺) based on records in Gyemisusarok and Jeungjeonggyorinji. The structure of Kisun was different for each visit but, it was found that Kisun was mainly composed of a main deck, bow (bow plate, stem plate), stern (stern plate), Sampan, Meonge (support), Garyong (support), Sinbang, Gungji, deck, two masts and sail, Gurejjak (mast support), Panok, stern Panok, Taru, dodger, anchor reel, stairs, rail, rudder, oar, and anchor. In addition, wood and iron nails were used together for connection. It was also found that the sail was made of herbage and cotton. This study found that Kisun, which was operated for the 10^th and 12^th envoy visits, was big in terms of length and height among the Joseon Tongsinsa fleet to show the authority and dignity of Joseon and that it had passages outside on the sides of the vessel and paddles were located between the sides and Panok structure and rails were installed on four sides on the Panok, improving stability and linear beauty. The walls of Panok were decorated with the royal Dancheong pattern and fancy murals. In addition, it was found that they wished for a safe voyage by drawing a demon face on the bow. Therefore, it was revealed that Kisun, which was taken by envoys as recorded in travel logs, was made by the state and equipped with structures and functions that enabled international voyages.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.77
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• pp.73-112
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• 2010

This study aims to explore the character and problem of multicultural society in Korea in terms of the concept of moral panics. Its major issues are dealt with as follows: Firstly, this essay will apply two concepts of culture in multiculturalism - the pattern of meaning and a study of perfection- to three degrees of multicultural members: by individual, by groups and by a society as a whole. In this approach, moral panics of multicultural society in Korea have been manipulated by the secondary definitions like Korean government and media. In this study, however, the resource of the panics would be seen as nationalism in Korean history. To remove it in this essay, the conception of the pattern of meaning, which makes members understand others outer their norms, should be harmonized with that of a study of perfection by which they have identities. Secondly, the main subject of multiculturalism in Korea should at least be majority (groups)-Korean, not minority (groups)-foreigners. A stereotype of foreigners by majority is an image distorted by nationalities and races. People, for example, with the white skin from advanced countries are recognized as superior, while those born in the countries of Southeast Asia are, consciously or unconsciously, discriminated and have low positions due to socio-economic stratification in Korea. In this sense, a study of multicultural society in Korea should go forward to the inner direction to majority, because it is one of the real moral panics in Korea. In conclusion, it is important that there must be a study of identity which we can have of others in multicultural studies of Korea. It enables us to meet the conception of diversity. In that Korean government and media have neglected the danger of nationalism, it is also necessary that this study have any foundation of morality in ethics, which can give useful alternatives to the given polices of the secondary definitions.