• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.343-372
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• 2016

This paper introduces symbols from Ghana, the 'Adinkra', and expands upon the concepts associated with it. In other words, the world view, values and scalability that appear to form philosophical thoughts in everyday life. 'Adinkra' are symbols from Ghana in West Africa. Adinkra means 'goodbye' or 'farewell'. There are some 400 Adinkra symbols, but the meanings of the symbols have been lost. The first book on Adinkra is 'The Adinkra Dictionary' (1998) by W. Bruce Willis. Adinkra is related to the Ghanaian culture, and represents concepts such as philosophical ideology, history, historical figures, myths, legends, animals, plants, etc. In the old days, because of its meaning-'goodbye' or 'farewell'-Adinkra was generally used for funerals. But today, Adinkra is utilized in a full range of cultural events and activities. Each of the 'Adinkra' has various meanings. According to Willis, Adinkra is ever-evolving and constantly expanding. As a matter of fact, Adinkra continues to expand, evolve and develop. Nevertheless, no books have been published on Adinkra since Bruce Willis (5 May 2016 to the present). Adinkra provides insights into the rich philosophical, educational, and historical significance of Africa. Therefore, Adinkra requires evolution, expansion, and research. In this study, we will examine the Adinkra, divided into four categories. The first is related to God and the powers, the second is related to moral education. The third symbolizes 'love' and 'friendship'. and lastly, the fourth is 'life' and 'death'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.131-163
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• 2017

We were already thrown into the modern by the Japanese before reflecting the relevance of modernization and acceptance, and the value of the modern was postponed. The late period of Chosun, people sank into a state of torpor and traditional culture and ideology has caused people to have a negative perception of modern times.Modern times, however, are defined in the relative concept of tradition and modernity in the history of modern times. In order to understand the modern era and its origin, it is necessary to look squarely at the face of modernity. Failure of modern times is a failure of traditional succession.So, if we analyze the causes of the failure of the traditional heritage, why can't we see some of the reasons why we perceive it as a failure? In this thesis, it seeks to understand the diverse views of the traditional elites of the journal and the newspaper, which are published in the traditional education of the journal, and are looking at a variety of views. Moreover, we should seek to explore the traditional elements of the new tradition by discussing the aspects of the educational problems caused by the cause of the accidental break and the educational problems caused by its results.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.43-74
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• 2013

This paper aims to analyse Han Wonjin's criticism centered on Kim Changhyup's theory of Jigak(知覺). In the early 18th century, Kim Changhyup whose position considered as the leader of Rakhak(洛學) circle was the central figure in the debate on the controversial subject of Jigak. Han Wonjin as an opinion leader of Hohak(湖學)'s legacy was required to argue with his counterpart in order to establish his circle's standpoint. The main issue they discussed was the relationship between Ji(智) and Jigak. Kim contends that Ji and Jigak belong to different categories, and that the substance-function(體用) relation cannot be applied to them. According to him, the relation between Ji and Jigak is that of Do(道) and Gi(器). Similarly, the relation between Sim(心) and Sung(性) is that of subject and object. He also maintains that Jigak is not the phenomenalized mode of Ji, but the innate capability that employs Sung as the source of morality and turns it into feelings. In contrast, Han argues that Ji, as a ontological foundation of Jigak, is what enables Jigak to be a moral activity. In criticizing Kim Changhyup, Han maintains that if one denies the relation between Ji and Jigak, then one would have to characterize Jigak as a blind function with no moral sense. If one admits Jigak can have moral contents on its own without the connection with Ji, then one would have to allow two moral foundation, which leads one's idea into heretical beliefs. Han holds that Jigak can a moral function only when it is grounded upon Ji. In conclusion, Han emphasizes Ji as the base of Jigak that enables Jigak to realize morality while Kim emphasizes the role of Jigak as the principal agent of moral activity.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.9-36
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• 2016

This thesis aims to suggest probability of modern confrontation of Yulgok YiYi's thought. For this, find out the meaning of Li-Qi-Zhi-Miao(理氣之妙) and through the Qi-Fa-Li-Cheng-Yi-Tu(氣發理乘一途), and Li-Tong-Qi-Ju-Shou(理通 氣局說), Yin-Xim-Do-Xim-Shou(人心道心說), he creatively reveal the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意) continually. On one side he suggested the way of ideal man, on the other side he was showed adaptablity to the real world. So I think Yulgok had placed emphasis on the Zhongyong(中庸) and Yijing(周易), so he point out the meaning of ShiZhong (時中). Then he had high ideals practical Zhi-Zhonghe((致中和). So This paper is to find out his foundation of epistemology, and then to know It's modern meaning of methodology of moral Education's Implication on the relation of Xin(心) Xing(性) Qing(情) Yi(意). So We ca find out Ji(機) is very important the transition of Qi-Zhe(氣質).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.109-129
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• 2012

At this point, in Confucianism's schools debated about analysis for early theory and latterly it of nature between human and animal in Nongam Kim Changhyob's Confucianism. Oh Heeshang argued early theory about Shanguzaezungyongmunmok, written by Kim Changhyob, and establishment of theory about Yokuonyudozaelonshabyonnokbyon, written by him. Kim Changhup, brother of Kim Changhyob, argued so early theory about Shanguzaezungyongmunmok. O Yubong, student of Kim Changhyob, argued establishment of theory about Sobyon and Zabzee, written by Kim Changhyob. While, Yim Songzu argued early theory and establishment of theory about Zabzee. As a result, presenting researchers argued the same as. That is, they interpret early theory about difference of nature between human and animal in Kim Changhyob. they interpret about the same of nature between human and animal in it. However, Kim Changhyob wrote difference of nature between human and animal in Shanguzaezungyongmunmok. While, he wrote difference it and the same it in Yokuonyudozaelonshabyonnokbyon. He thought the same li between human and animal. However, he thought difference hyongki them. Furthermore, He wrote difference it and the same it in Zabzee. Therefore, they had depended on Kim Changhyob. As a result, posterity scholars interpreted early theory and establishment of theory about his theory. they depended on his authority. However, he changed himself theory.

• Journal of East-West Nursing Research
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.50-67
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• 1998

When recognition of the Ghi(氣) which exist in all things, is changed on the aspects of the science of nursing, the view of health and nursing will be more efficient and can be developed as the proper concept for Korean culture. I think it is nessary to confirm which philosophical basis of the will be applicable to nursing and how to it has to be developed. Therefore I can for the research of the Ghi phenomena to attain the Thoughts of philosophy that is appropriate to expound those phenomena. And I attempt to induct "the fusion of horizons" to unify the view of the I world between Korea and the West. The Ghi is very energetic and omnipresent among the universe, Nature, and the human being. So it can organize all the primary elements of mental and I physical function of human as like life, mind, breath, feeling, energy, etc. A general concept of the Ghi is described as follows ; (1) The Ghi is the origin and essence to organize the universe, Nature, and the human being. (2) It is the perpetually movable thing. (3) And there are continuous transmission between the Ghi of the universe and the human through 'body, mind, and soul. For review on the philosophic basis of the Ghi, I studied out the identity of the doctrine of Li and Ch'i(理氣論) in the field of philosophy of Korea and the West. In Korea, the concept of the Vigor is based on Ch'i monolism(기일원론) and Li Ch'i dualism (이기이원론) of Yul-gok Lee's, Toi-kye Lee's, Hwa-dam's, and/or Hekang's. These are indispensable for the view of the world of Korea as Metaphysical ideology, Concrete science, Materialism, Ontology, and Epistemology. From the viewpoint of the philosophy of the West, the doctrine of Li and Ch'i(이기론) of Korea is identical with the doctrine of Li and Ch'i(이기론) of Joo-ja, Idea of Plato, Metaphysics of Aristotle, World Spirit(Weltgeist) of Hegel, and Existentialism of Heidegger. In the nursing theory of the West, some of them referred to the Ghi as like Energy field theory of Rogers and Energy exchange of Neuman. Though there are different in terminology, "energy" and the "Ghi" are induced comparable therapeutic action between the human and the environments. With the nursing theory of Korea, I have made an attempt to compare the Ghi with metaparadigm of nursing-the human being, the environment, the health, and the nursing. For the most part, the alternative therapy is resonable to the frame of the nursing theory of Korea. It is easy to apply alternative therapy on the every spot of nursing. So this therapy could be a kind of forms as nursing therapy in the nursing centers where take the duties of supporting in local societies. In result, independent nursing intervention will be activated by the nurse who puts up with the major parts. It is available to apply this therapy to palliation of pain, insomnia of infant, Sanhujori (산후조리), pain of menstruation, arthritis. And the alternative therapy makes it possible to propose the nursing model which represent originality, tradition, and history of the nursing of Korea. Additionally, in the field of the nursing, it is indispensable to choose a suitable methodology which is considered whether it is matched with a theory of philosophy in the boundary and object of the research. Because there are many way to get the knowledge of nursing related to the Ghi. In the science of nursing, context of sociocultural background and frame are required to understand the person who need to take care of (nursing client). But the value systems of the West and the East are distinctive each other as well as the behavior of health persuance. Therefore it is the basic research data of great worth to review philosophical the Ghi phenomena which is well known to Korean.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.33-54
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• 2010

Woodam(愚潭) Jeong Si-han(丁時翰, 1625-1707) played an important role in the formation and development of the Toegye School. This writing explores the way Woodam understood the thought of Toegye(退溪, 1501-1570) as presented in The Book of Four-Seve Demonstration(四七辨證) The 17th century that Woodam lived in was the period in which monism and dualism coexisted. Woodam's understanding of Toegye's thought can be summarized as follows: 1) Woodam followed Toegye's li(理)-qi(氣) defense and his view on the origin of nature and emotion, acknowledging Toegye as the orthodox transmitter of Zhu Xi's teachings, 2) Woodam considered that the difference between the past and the contemporary teachings was simply caused by the difficulty of comprehending the character "li (principle) ". Thus he criticized Yulgok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s claim that "that which rises is qi (material force), and that which gives rise to qi is li," and followed instead Toegye's views of the entivity, dynamism, and ultimacy of li and its substantial function. Yet, Woodam further developed Toegye's thought and asserted that "in the midst of the marvelous unity of li and qi, li is always dominant and qi is always ancillary." 3) Woodam criticized Yulgok's thought and advocated Toegye's doctrine of the mutual motion of li and qi(理氣互發說), thereby following Toegye's insistence that difference can be observed in sameness and sameness can be observed in difference, that integrative thinking is needed to constructively embrace both analytic and synthetic judgments. In conclusion, Woodam understood profoundly and correctly Toegye's views on the relationship between li and qi and between nature and emotion, and explained them more concretely. In so doing, he endeavored to live the life by the teachings of Toegye.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.269-289
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• 2018

This article is designed to help ensure that "Laotzu's Tao and Saussure's Linguisticse's Linguistics" can meet properly. To carry out this project, I asked how to understand Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name(非常名)'. Comparing Kongzi's 'the Rectification of name(正命)' with Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name', The meaning of the two concepts becomes clear. Kongzi's 'the Rectification of name' is political philosophy to restore etiquette through language order. In comparison, Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' refers to Randomness[arbitraire] of the symbol. It shows that the order of languages can be dismantled, and that the structure, norms, and etiquette of society, which are established by language order, can be dismantled. Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' is a logic that defies language as an institution, as a symbolism, and as a logic of disintegration. To illustrate this point, Searsure's Linguistics was brought in for discussion. In Saussure's Linguistics, the arbitrary nature of the symbol is the same as the Lotzu's 'Not the eternal Name'. Three arguments were used to elucidate the logic of the resistance and the logic of Deconstruct of the Language structure. First, I explained that the discussion of 'Name' was not just about 'the name of an object' but about the system, laws and norms of a society. Second, I explained the argument that language order is a social institution and a social structure by taking the words Saussure and Lacon. Third, I explained that 'not the eternal Name' is an important term that reveals the arbitrary and arbitrary relationship between the signifiant and the signifie. These arguments explain that Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' is the logic of dismantling the language as a system and as the symbolic.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.48
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• pp.305-335
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• 2024

In the 7th and 8th centuries, Chinese Buddhism was at its peak, and major sects emerged and began to differ from one another in significant ways. This fact was also revealed through several versions of Biographies of the Eminent Monks and changes observable in the peculiarity of their formats. In the early 6th century, Huijiao (慧皎) compiled Gaosengzhuan (高僧傳, Biographies of Eminent Monks) which contains the history of Buddhism after it was introduced to China. At this time, he established a new format called the ten-subjects (十科). In 645, Daoxuan (道宣) used these ten-subjects as the basic framework to compile Xu-Gaosengzhuan (續高僧傳). However, by modifying and supplementing some parts of the ten-subjects, he standardized the ten-subjects into a format suitable for historiography. After the Xu-Gaosengzhuan, several versions of Biographies of the Eminent Monks were compiled in a format that further modified the ten-subjects. Fazang (法藏) wrote Huayanjing zhuanji (華嚴經傳記, 690?) which consisted of the ten-subjects, but the names and meanings of the subjects changed significantly to emphasize the Avatamsaka philosophy. Subsequently, while compiling Hongzan fahuazhuan (弘贊法華傳, 706?), Huixiang (惠詳) compiled a newly modified list of eight-subjects based on the ten-subjects of Gaosengzhuan and Xu-Gaosengzhuan. Sengxiang (僧詳) compiled Fahua xhuanji (法華傳記, 750?) in the format of twelve-subjects which added two new subjects to the ten-subjects of the Huayanjing zhuanji. These two formats focused on faith rather than philosophy. Even in the Chan (Zen) schools, a series of Biographies of the Eminent Monks was compiled from the beginning of the 8th century. Chuan fabaoji (傳法寶紀, 713?), Lengqui shiziji (楞伽師資記, 713?), Lidai fabaoji (歷代法寶記, 774), and Baolin zhuan (寶林傳, 801) are all examples of such compilations. However, the format of these four Biographies of the Eminent Monks was completely different from prior versions. Without setting any subjects, the authors established and described a dharma lineage transmitted continually from master to disciple. This is because Chan Buddhism does not rely on Buddhist texts but focuses on monks achieving realization through other means. At first, only the Chinese patriarchs were listed, but starting with Baolin zhuan, 27 patriarchs including Buddha and Kasyapa were included in the dharma lineage and presented as history. This fictional lineage was based on the need to secure sectarian superiority and legitimacy as Chan Buddhism flourished.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.137
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• pp.57-79
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• 2016

The purpose of this paper is to explain MacIntyre's critique of moral pluralism of modern society and reveal the limits of his critique of liberalism. It is a distinctive feature of the social and cultural order that we inhabit that disagreements over central moral issues are peculiarly unsettleable. Debates concerned with the value of human life such as those over abortion and euthanasia, or about distributive justice and property rights, or about war and peace degenerate into confrontations of assertion and counter-assertion because the protagonists of rival positions invoke incommensurable forms of moral assertion against each other. We usually call this situation 'modern moral pluralism' and concede as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under free institution. But in After Virtue, MacIntyre vigorously criticizes modern moral pluralism. The main cause he took which brought about this state of affairs was the failure of 'the Enlightenment project'. According to MacIntyre, the Enlightenment project which has dominated philosophy for the past three hundred years promised a conception of rationality independent of historical and social context, and independent of any specific understanding of man's nature or purpose. But not only has that promise in fact been unfulfilled, the project is itself fundamentally flawed and the promise could never be fulfilled. In consequence, modern moral and political thought are in a state of disarray from which they can be rescued only if we revert to an Aristotelian paradigm, with its essential commitment, and construct an account of practical reason premised on that commitment. But one of the deepest difficulties with the argument of After Virtue is that the very extent of its critique of the modern world seems to cast doubt on the possibility of any realistic revival under the conditions of modernity of the Aristotelianism which MacIntyre advocates. Especially when we consider we are not only the characters found in our narratives but also we ourselves are the author of our own narratives. Moral pluralism is not seen as disaster but rather as the natural outcome of the activities of human reason under enduring free institutions.